When I was a kid, I had a range of pets—mostly reptiles and amphibians; no surprise there. To feed my frogs, toads and lizards, I either snuck around the garden with a large aquarium dipnet and trapped flies (which were on our dog’s poop), or I trapped them with a more passive technique.
Today (February 12, 2021) I answered an email about yet another brown anole (Anolis sagrei) that had arrived on some tropical plants, this time at a Canadian Tire outlet in Duncan, BC.
The anole’s new owners are going to set up a terrarium for this little lizard, and why not. They are charming terrarium inhabitants. I gave the owners advice on how to feed and water the lizard, and I decided to detail the trap I made as a kid so they could harvest flies as free food for their new pet.
Here was my trap, made from household items that, when I was a kid, went in the trash (this was pre-recycling).
1) Cut a pop bottle in half and recycle the cap.
3) Cut a hole in the bottom of the bottle (here the hole is in one of the nubbins—corrugations—at the bottom). Flies will find their way in, but when you come to pick up the trap, they likely will not find this hole and will fly upwards.
7) When flies have entered, pick up the entire apparatus and use your thumb to prevent escape out the hole in the corugation.
8) Flies likely will go up and into the parmesan jar when they are disturbed.
10) Now you can simply place the container in your terrarium with the lid open (this is why I used the parmesan container—it has a convenient flap to open, with fly-sized openings). If you are worried about flies escaping before you close the terrarium, then put the parmesan container in the fridge to cool the flies. Then once flies are cool, put the container in the aquarium and let the flies warm up—and watch your pets devour their dipteran dinner.
Common wall lizards, Podarcis muralis, were first detected in Chilliwack in late June 2020 by Frances and Georgina Wetmore.
The report came to me in late September to verify the identification, and without a doubt, the photo captured a common wall lizard. After a few quick emails, Christian Lodders pinpointed the epicenter of the colony along Kathleen Drive in Chilliwack. Several gardens in the area now are known to have wall lizards—in other words, they are firmly established. Newly hatched wall lizards were seen this autumn.
How did they get from Vancouver Island (or Denman Island) to Chilliwack? Who knows. Lizards could have been shipped by accident as eggs in a plant pot. One nest creates an instant population of 5–10 lizards, genetic bottleneck notwithstanding. Maybe a gravid female was a stowaway in some camping gear? Mr. Lodders talked to homeowners in the area, and there is no indication anyone intentionally released lizards.
As on Vancouver Island, the end result is the same for Chilliwack—if lizards are not eradicated, they will spread in the area. Under their own power, lizards can disperse one kilometre in 10 years (as outlined in the yellow circle above), and with assistance from humans, their range can expand far more rapidly in the area. With a little help, they could make their way to Washington, and that state would have two wall lizard species: Italian wall lizards (Podarcis siculus) are already established on Orcas Island.
Premise of the study: Many arctic-alpine species have vast geographic ranges, but these may encompass substantial gaps whose origins are poorly understood. Here we address the phylogeographic history of Silene acaulis, a perennial cushion plant with a circumpolar distribution except for a large gap in Siberia.
Methods: We assessed genetic variation in a range-wide sample of 103 populations using plastid DNA (pDNA) sequences and AFLPs (amplified fragment length polymorphisms). We constructed a haplotype network and performed Bayesian phylogenetic analyses based on plastid sequences. We visualized AFLP patterns using principal coordinate analysis, identified genetic groups using the program structure, and estimated genetic diversity and rarity indices by geographic region.
Key results: The history of the main pDNA lineages was estimated to span several glaciations. AFLP data revealed a distinct division between Beringia/North America and Europe/East Greenland. These two regions shared only one of 17 pDNA haplotypes. Populations on opposite sides of the Siberian range gap (Ural Mountains and Chukotka) were genetically distinct and appear to have resulted from postglacial leading-edge colonizations. We inferred two refugia in North America (Beringia and the southern Rocky Mountains) and two in Europe (central-southern Europe and northern Europe/East Greenland). Patterns in the East Atlantic region suggested transoceanic long-distance dispersal events.
Conclusions: Silene acaulis has a highly dynamic history characterized by vicariance, regional extinction, and recolonization, with persistence in at least four refugia. Long-distance dispersal explains patterns across the Atlantic Ocean, but we found no evidence of dispersal across the Siberian range gap.
Keywords: AFLP; Caryophyllaceae; Silene acaulis; arctic-alpine; disjunct distribution; phylogeography; psbD-trnT(GGU) spacer; refugia; rpL32-trnL(UAG) spacer; trnL(UAA) intron; trnL(UAA)-trnF(GAA) spacer.
During the first visits of Hudson’s Bay Company officials to Victoria Harbour—William McNeil in 1837 and McNeil with John Work and John McLoughlin in 1839—there was no information recorded about the Indigenous Lekwungen peoples of the area. (Keddie 2003)
The first information was recorded in 1842 during the visit of the company’s James Douglas to settle on the location of the future Fort Camosun—later Fort Victoria. It was during Douglas’s second visit in 1843 that he brought along the Québécois Jesuit Jean Baptiste Zacharie Bolduc, a missionary who was part of the Quebec Mission to the Pacific Northwest (fig. 1).
The accounts of the Bolduc provide some of the most important observations of the Indigenous peoples in the Victoria region, more so than those of Douglas at that time. It is important in this regard to be familiar with the different versions of the Bolduc accounts that have been presented in the literature and used by various researchers.
One difference in the accounts that is significant is Bolduc’s observation of 525 people at Cadboro Bay—the only village observed and visited in 1843. Unfortunately, anthropologist Wilson Duff, in his study of the Victoria Treaties (Duff 1969), used a reference that did not have this account. One wonders what different conclusions Duff may have come to if he was familiar with Bolduc’s original writings.
To understand the context of what Bolduc documented it is important to know where he was during his visit and more precisely what he said. In examining the information from Bolduc, I referred to and compared published accounts in French and their various English translations when considering statements such as the number of 525 people identified by Bolduc at Cadboro Bay on March 17, 1843. I consider Bolduc’s statements about the number of people he observed to be accurate estimates. My conclusions were based on the original published documents of Bolduc, his propensity to record accurate information and statements he made of the circumstances of his visit.
What is crucial here is that there are translations of Bolduc’s work that do not mention the 525 people at Cadboro Bay, as well as other important details. The reference pertaining to Cadboro Bay that I used was Bolduc’s original 1844 account, translated by Landerholm (1956), which is similar to that of a later editor/translator, Kowrach (1979). The latter author used the English translations of Landerholm and others in his French to English translation. Both of the latter translators used the French language documents in the collections of the Oregon Historical Society as well as earlier English translations.
The incomplete English translation of De Smet that casts doubt on Bolduc’s statement regarding the count of 525 people at Cadboro Bay is an earlier 1847 English translation by Father De Smet: “Oregon Missions and Travels over the Rocky Mountains in 1845-46, Edward Dunigan, New York.” This does not mention the count of 525 people at the Cadboro Bay village. The missing figure is also absent from De Smet’s earlier, French-language version, “Colombie. Extract d’une letter do M. Bolduc, Missionaire apostolique, a M. Cayene, Cowlitze, le 15 fevrier 1844” (1845).
However, what is significant is that De Smet’s French-language publication was not a direct copy from French to French, but extracts and paraphrasing of Bolduc’s documents. De Smet simply left out material that he did not think was important or that did not present Bolduc in a favourable manner, such as his complaint about having to shake so many hands at Cadboro Bay. The count of 525 people at Cadboro Bay was included in Bolduc (1845).
De Smet’s 1847 English translation was from the altered and incomplete French version. The reference was simply left out by De Smet. Wilson Duff, in writing about the Victoria Treaties, used the information from historian Kaye Lamb (1943), who also obtained his information from De Smet’s incomplete writings.
The best published source in the French language of Bolduc’s trip to Vancouver Island is the 1845 publication of Bolduc’s Journal and letters: “Mission De La Columbie. Deuxieme Lettre et Journal of M. J.-B.-Z. Bolduc, Missionnaire A La Columbie. Quebec: De L’imprimerie De J.-B. Frechette, Pere, Imprimeur-Labraire, No. 13, Rue Lamontagne,” under the subtitle: “A Vant-Propos. Suite Du Journal De M. Bolduc, Missionnaire A La Columbie” is the “Exrait du Canadian du 19 fevrier, 1845”. Within this are two letters, the second on 28 pages being the one of concern here, entitled: “Extrait Du Journal De M. Bolduc” – “Adreese a M. C…… T……. Cawlitz, 15 fevrie 1844”. Both of the 1843 and 1845 journal documents contained in this larger document and written in French (RBCM Archives N.W. 970.7 B687m; old manuscript MS-0580) were translated into English by Tess Jennings (1937). Jennings’s translation is from the Bolduc 1845 French-language copy in the RBCM Archives (NW970.7 B687m). The 1843 journal of Bolduc does not contain information on southern Vancouver Island.
In the 1845 publication of Bolduc, the editor/printer Pere Frechette comments in the preface, as translated by Jennings: “As in the first Journal, we do not wish to change in any way the form in which it was written.”
There are five volumes entitled “Missions de Quebec” in the library of the Oregon Historical Society (Landerholm 1956). One of the seven reports translated by Landerholm is entitled “Mission de la Colombie. Notice No. 6,” dated July 1845. The latter includes Bolduc’s travels to Puget Sound and Vancouver Island. These documents provide a view of how careful Bolduc was in documenting numbers of various Indigenous groups and numbers of converts. This was originally published as a report of the Missions of the Quebec Diocese. On page 2, is the translation of a letter of Bolduc’s entitled “Mission of the Cowletz River, March, 1843. On page 4 is the translated statement of Bolduc:
“I am also going to keep a journal of my northern trip, and try to assemble reliable facts concerning these nations of faraway places.”
In this report of March 6, 1843, Bolduc regularly provides estimates of the numbers of people in the many groups he visits. He shows interest in leaning the names of individual communities and his keen interest in languages is shown in his writing of a dictionary of the Chinook language. Bolduc was clearly an experienced observer. His statements about population numbers can be considered accurate. Bolduc’s statement about the numbers of Indigenous people he observed in the Victoria area in 1843 cannot be dismissed as unreliable.
Some additional commentary is necessary regarding the missing pieces of the Landerholm translation of Bolduc, which goes as follows:
“We headed for the southern point of Vancouver Island. It was about four o’clock in the afternoon when we arrived there. At first we saw only two canoes, but, having discharged two cannon shots, the aborigines left their retreats and surrounded the steamboat. The following day canoes arrived from all sides. Seeing that there was no danger, I landed with the commander of the expedition and the captain. Yet it was only after several days… that I went to their village, situated at six miles from the harbor [from Victoria harbour] at the base of a charming little bay [Cadboro Bay]. Like almost all of the surrounding tribes, this one possesses a stockade fort of about 150 feet square. They fortify themselves thus to provide shelter from the Yougletas [Lekwiltok], a powerful and warlike tribe… These ferocious enemies fall, usually at night, on the villages they wish to destroy, kill and massacre as many of the men as they can, and take the women and children as slaves. On top of posts in the fort one sees many human heads sculptured in red or black, and occasionally both colors together. On my arrival the whole village, men, women and children, arranged themselves in two lines to shake hands with me, a ceremony which they would not omit for a great deal. I counted 525 individuals, apart from absent ones. I assembled them all in the largest lodge, the chiefs’.”
In his 1845 French publication, Bolduc notes on page 12: “Je comptai 525 individus, et plusieurs etaient absents.” Jennings’s translation of this is the same as that of Kowrach (1979:108): “I counted five hundred twenty-five individuals and many were absent.” Landerholm (1956:193) translates the French as: “I counted 525 individuals, apart from absent ones.”. I thought it was more likely that the end of Bolduc’s sentence would be correct as: “and several were absent.”
I consulted with French teacher Deni St. Clair of Victoria in regard to Jennings’s English interpretation of the statement about the number count in Cadboro Bay. St. Clair pointed out that “plusieurs” is properly spelt as “plusiers” and noted that: “The potential problem I see here is that the dictionary meaning of plusiers is “several” not “many” (St. Clair, personal communication, December 21, 2014).
The interpretation that “several were absent” makes sense in the context of Bolduc’s observation in “the following days” when he made a journey to where Indigenous people were cutting posts for the fort. Here Bolduc notes: “I baptized three more children who were absent the day of solemn baptism.” The latter “solemn baptism” is referring to the baptism of children on March 17 at Cadboro Bay.
James Douglas makes reference the day before to the activities of cutting posts mentioned by Bolduc:
“Spoke to the Samose today and informed them of our intention of building in this place which appeared to please them very much and they immediately offered their services in procuring pickets for the establishment.” Douglas had offered to give them a 2 1/2 point blanket for every 40 pickets of 22ft. by 36in (Douglas 1843).
One might speculate that Bolduc may have brought outside Indigenous people with him on his first visit to Cadboro Bay on March 17. There is no evidence to support the idea that large numbers of people accompanied Bolduc on his first trip to Cadboro Bay. Bolduc does not mention anyone going with him on his first trip, but he does mention people accompanying him on his second trip to Cadboro Bay from Victoria Harbour.
As Bolduc is writing about the events of March 17, 1843, after they occurred, the wording he uses suggests that the other groups came after hearing about his visit to Cadboro Bay and began arriving in Victoria Harbour the day before or the morning of the day he set up his outdoor chapel in Victoria Harbour. After telling the Songhees that he would return on Sunday, Bolduc states (1845:13): “Cependant le bruit de mon arrive s’etant repandu dans le voisinage, plusieurs nations arriverent en masse.”
Jennings’s translation of this is: “But the sound of my coming is being widespread in the neighborhood, many nations arrived en masse.” Landerholm’s (1956:194) English translation is: “Meanwhile the rumor of my arrival having spread, several neighboring tribes came en masse.” There is no information to suggest that other tribes or Lekwungen from other villages were present during Bolduc’s visit on March 17 to Cadboro Bay. The quotation referred to is related to a time frame after Bolduc’s visit to Cadboro Bay. Based on Bolduc’s information we can conclude that the 525 people at Cadboro Bay were likely all Lekwungen who primarily lived at Cadboro Bay and did not include outside populations.
Here is Landerholm’s version of the events after Bolduc told the Lekwungen that he would return to Cadboro Bay on the 19th to baptise the children:
“Meanwhile the rumor of my arrival having spread, several neighbouring tribes came en masse. The 18th being Sunday, I employed it for constructing a temporary alter [near Victoria Harbour] for celebrating on land the Lord’s day. On Sunday early in the morning, more than 1,200 natives from three great tribes, Kawitshins, Klalams, and Tsamishes, [Cowichan, Klallam and Songhees], assembled around the modest temple… That day being the one I had set for the baptism of children, I went to the principal village [Cadboro Bay] accompanied by a Canadian named Gobin and all the crowd that had been present at the divine service. On arrival, I had again to submit to the terrible ceremony of shaking hands with more than 600 persons. The children were placed in two lines at the seaside. I distributed to each one a holy name on a bit of paper, and I began the ceremony. It may have been about ten o’clock, and when I had finished it was almost nightfall; then I counted the new Christens and found 102 of them. On top of that I had to go more than two leagues on foot to return to the steamboat.”
There has been some confusion regarding the specific location where the Beaver was anchored and where some Indigenous people were coming from during the start of Bolduc’s March 15 visit.
I would interpret the anchorage of the steamship Beaver to be inside Shoal Point at the west end of Victoria’s Inner Harbour, either at what is now the Fishermans’ Wharf location or just east of Laurel Point. The latter we know was the anchorage during the 1839 visit (Keddie 2003).
There are several details of translation that need to be discussed pertaining to the Landerholm translation regarding the first observations at the expeditions arrival.
The translation: “At first we saw only two canoes” leaves out the activity of fishing. Bolduc’s “Nous ne vimes d’abord que deux canots occupes a’ pecher” should say: “We at first only saw two canoes occupied in fishing”.
The translation: “but, having discharged two cannon shots, the aborigines left their retreats and surrounded the steamboat. The following day canoes arrived from all sides”. This could be interpreted to say that Indigenous people came immediately in large numbers shortly after the boat arrived in the harbour, but: “Mais bientot le canon fit sortir les indigenes de leurs retraites” should be translated as: But the canon soon made the natives leave their retreats and “Cependant, comme il se fesait déjà tard, nous n’en vimes que peu ce jour-la.” becomes: However, as it was already late, we saw but few that day.
“Mais le lendemain de bon matin, il fallait voir les canots arriver do [de NOT DO] tout cote et entourer le steam boat.” [But], The next morning it was possible to see canoes arrive from every side and surround the steamboat. From this observation it appears that only one canoe with two people fishing was seen in Victoria’s Inner Harbour. It was not until the next day that more people came in canoes from elsewhere.
Bolduc writes: “Seeing that there was no danger, I landed with the commander of the expedition and the captain”. This fits with Douglas statement, that after a night on the Beaver he went out the next morning to examine “the wood of the north shore of the harbor.” This clearly indicates that the Beaver was not anchored off Clover Point but was in a harbour with forest on the north shore.
In 1927 there was a discussion among local historians regarding the locations of the 1842 and 1843 visits of James Douglas. In regard to the 1842 visit C.C. Pemberton mentions in a letter of October 19 to historian Kaye Lamb and to Judge Howay that Walbran (who had a considerable knowledge about the origin of place names but mistakenly referred to the “1841” Douglas survey): “remarks that Sir James’ grandson had informed him that Sir James made his first landing from the Beaver at Clover Point, . . . and . . . party then walked through the area of Beacon Hill Park to the Gorge” but Pemberton knew nothing about it. “I believe that when Sir James made his survey in 1842, he came in the Cadboro, and in 1843 he landed from the Beaver at Shoal Point…. I think I have a faint remembrance of hearing, when I was a boy, of this landing, and naming of Clover Point.”
Pemberton, in a another letter to Judge Howay, on November 2, pertaining to the 1842 visit, noted that: “D. H. McNeill. . . says that he knows that his grandfather, Capt. Wm. McNeill, landed Sir James and party at Clover Point, and then went around to Victoria Harbour and anchored, waiting for them to return to the Beaver.”(Pemberton 1927).
Bolduc’s writings have suffered from problems of translation, but his work is significant in providing a glimpse of Lekwungen peoples as they were in the spring of 1843.
Have you ever picked up an old object and wondered what sentient beings had held it before? People like you – that are taking the journey from birth to death.
Artifacts are not just things in themselves, they are part of the history of individuals and families. Here I provide what I could piece together of the history of a special large dugout freight canoe in the collection of the Royal BC Museum – artifact number 12048. The genealogy of people and families presented is only a partial one that could be expanded to hundreds of people. I present it to show only some of the family linkages to the canoe and its history – to which younger Indigenous people today can link themselves.
The story of this freight canoe shows the movement and blending of peoples from the west Coast of Vancouver Island, especially the Ditidaht, and families from Sooke, Becher Bay, Saanich and the Lekwungen extending to the Discovery Islands off of Oak Bay, to the lower Fraser River and the Olympic Peninsula.
Figure 1, shows the canoe in action on July 5, 1938. Its owners, unidentified at the time, were in the process of bringing 50 large sacks of seaweed from the Discovery Islands off Oak Bay to sell to the Victoria Chinese for making noodles. Seaweed was an important export that employed many Indigenous peoples. On May 15, 1923, ten tons of seaweed was being shipped out from Victoria to China on the steamship President Jackson. The Daily Colonist reported on this day:
“Every vessel of this line which has departed during the past few months has taken similar cargo from Victoria. Seaweed is used as an ingredient in many Chinese dishes and is esteemed as a great delicacy in the Orient. The gathering of it is a regular business, now becoming highly organized as Indians on the West Coast, where the beds are the richest in the Province, are collecting it for sale to the local Oriental shippers.
In spite of the growing activity of the seaweed exporters, it is not expected that the beds will be depleted very readily. Patrons of Chinese eating houses need not fear inability to secure their repasts of chow Mein.”
This large freight canoe, #12048, was purchased from Cecilia Joe (Esquimalt Reserve) and her sister Agnes Dick (Songhees Reserve) on September 1, 1965. At the time it was located as “a derelict canoe” in the front yard of a Dick family house on the Songhees reserve, then occupied by Agnes Dick and Cecilia Joe. At this time the prow was detached and the stern piece was missing.
The location and removal of the canoe can be seen in figures 2-6. The canoe was purchased for the Museum by a private buyer Robert Nichols and documented with the assistance of John Smyly of the then Provincial Museum’s exhibits department. Smyly and Nichols took photos of the moving of the canoe and Smyly did detailed drawings with measurements, noting that the canoe was 30’11” long with a beam of 4’10” and depth of 1’10”. With the broken off bow piece the total length would be approximately 34’6” (figures 7-9).
I will here build upon the information about the canoe’s history that was provided by the owners and recorded as follows:
“West Coast Canoe. Purchased from Cecilia Joe and Agnes Dick of Esquimalt and Songhee Reserve. Victoria, B.C. Sept. 1, 1965.
This canoe was built circa 1900 by [unknown person] at Clo-oose or Carmanah or perhaps Nitinat. The owner of the canoe was hired to deliver mail from Victoria to the Carmanah Lighthouse, also Supplies as the ‘Maquina’ was uncertain and often storm bound. Loggers on the west coast often hired the canoe to take them to Victoria when the ‘Maquina’ didn’t show up.
The canoe was sold to Jimmy Smith, an Indian of Clo-oose and later Louis George of Sooke, who married a niece of Smith’s, obtained the canoe.
Agnes Dick and Cecilia Joe, sisters, lived at Sooke when children and were cousins of Louis George. The canoe was used for family travel, fishing, seaweed gathering to sell to the Chinese of Victoria and made many trips throughout the Island water and across to the U.S. villages.
When Cecilia and Agnes were married and moved to the Esquimalt and Songhees Reserves in Victoria, they were given the old canoe about 1918-19. It was used for some years but gradually fell into disuse. For many years it sat on the tide water flat between the two Reserves, old Indian women sat in it in good weather to knit and recall the old days. Children played inside and climbed to the high prow to play at whale and seal hunting. Finally, on September 1, 1965 the old canoe, damaged and a derelict, was purchased and removed to the B.C. Provincial Museum workshop to be preserved.”
The relationship of Louis (or “Louie”) George, mentioned as one of the previous owners of the canoe, to Agnes Dick and Cecilia Joe was through their father’s half sister Mary George (Figure 10). Agnes and Cecilia’s father went by the names Charley John and Senupin John. His indigenous names were Senupin and xaxalaqtid. His grandnephew Edward Dick, said he also had the name “Numpton” which in Ditiaht would be “Da’umpton”. Senupin John died in the tragic sinking of the sealing vessel Walter Earl in 1895.
Charley John’s father was a man named Johnson (no first name given), but his son Charley used the last name John. Johnson was the first husband of Charley’s Ditidaht mother Katie Cawen. Her indigenous names were She-Kang; Statswud or Statwud and Tain-i-schun (figure11). Charley’s wife and Cecilia and Agnes John’s mother was Margaret [“Ellen”] Speusid. Cecilia John was born in September 1890 on Vashon Island while her parents were returning from Hop-picking in Washington State. She died March 31, 1973. Her indigenous name was Mustelitza, the meaning of which she gave as a Clallam word meaning “most precious” (Colonist 1966). She married Edward Benedict Joe (See-Sam-Nick) of Esquimalt in 1910. Edward was born October 26, 1890 and died at the age of 82 on December 8, 1972). Cecilia’s sister Agnes John (Mon-aa-ccleugh) married Harry (“Hutty”) Dick of the Songhees. Their children are Florence, Josephine, Thomas, Edward, Margaret (“Evelyn”), Clarence, Roderick and Virginia.
It is through the family of Cecilia’s and Agne’s grandmother Katie Cawen and her second husband, Charley Swawsten of Sooke, that we see a transfer of the freight canoe. Their daughter was Mary Swawsten [Indigenous names Timi and Koostenet]. She was born c. 1858 and died at age 98 on March 22, 1956 at Milnes Landing in Sooke. Mary was born in 1870 and died January 11, 1946. She married Harry George, also known as George Solcwosit, of Discovery Island off Oak Bay. His indigenous name was Qunteenica and he was sometimes referred to as George Henry. He was born on Discovery Island and also died April 14, 1895, with the sinking of the sealing vessel The Walter Earle.
Harry George’s father was from the Katzie people on the lower Fraser River. Harry was the nephew of “Old Pierre” who provided the information to anthropologist Diamond Jenness in his writing of “The Faith of a Coast Salish Indian” and the cousin of Old Pierre’s son Simon Pierre who provided information to Wayne Suttles in writing “Katzie Ethnographic Notes” . These were published by the Provincial Museum (see Duff 1955).
George and Mary’s son Louis George [sometimes “Louie”] was the person who acquired and used the freight canoe after Jimmie Smith – as explained by Cecilia Joe and Agnes Dick. Louis George married Agnes George (Figure 12) from another George family in 1901. Her parents were Henry George of Victoria and Mary Tate of Clo-oose. Agnes had a sister Joesphine (Chkling-Ctlanchk-thu-ma) and three brothers, Edward Mattew George (Sculwot & Heyawatstits), Harry (Tzache-cho) and Dan George (Sclohlamtino).
The niece of the canoe owner Jimmie Smith referred to by Cecilia Joe and Agnes Dick in 1965, was Agnes George. Jimmie Smith was born in Clo-oose about 1883 and died on April 23, 1931 at the age of 48. His obituary lists his five surviving nieces as Mrs Louie George [Agnes] and Mrs Danny George of Saanich; Mrs Elizabeth Edgar, Mrs. Effie Edgar and Miss Madaline Taite of Clo-oose; and a nephew Henry Tait of Saanich. Jimmy died in Nanaimo and was buried in the Catholic church yard in Sooke.
Mary George (the half-sister of Cecila and Agnes’s father) and her husband Harry George or George Solcwosit lived on Discovery Island in a large house. The George’s told anthropologist Wayne Suttles in 1949, that it was a gable-roofed plank house with a round door and a painting of a whale on the front and that the use of the round door and the painting of the whale were the inherited privileges from Mary’s family (Suttles 1974:20). This would have been through her Ditidaht heritage of the Tate family. We see here an historic case where a cultural practice moves from one linguistic group to another.
Cecilia and Agne’s mother Ellen Speusid died shortly after their father. This resulted in the sisters being brought up by their grandmother Katie and their aunt Agnes George. They went to the Kuper Island residential school and then returned to Sooke. Ellen Speusid’s mother Kitty Nanvivit was from the Beecher Bay Klallam. Cecilia and Agnes’s father was John Speusid (alias Charley and Spixit or Spiscit). Agnes’s indigenous name Sitlemtano was from her grandmother at Neah Bay.
Family relations between the Lekwungen, Sooke and people of Neah Bay produced another example where iconography related to use on houses was transferred across cultural boundaries.. When a Klallam group moved from Port Angeles on the Olympic Peninsula to Beecher Bay west of Victoria they built a large house and invited more Klallam and Makah from Neah Bay as guests to the opening celebration. The owner bought bolts of red and black calico and draped it in the shape of two large thunderbirds across the front of the house. The owner of the house had the thunderbird power which he inherited from one of his great grandparents who was a Sooke. It was not a tradition of the Klallam to decorate the house fronts, This was a style used through rights gained from a Nuu-chan-nulth relative (Gunther 1927:187-188).
The sisters also had a brother Simon John and a half-brother Parry. Simon was married to Caroline Cecelia Roberts. Their children died young. Simon died on August 21, 1928 at age 36. Caroline re-married to Jasper Charles of Becher Bay who had a daughter Dorothy Jean from his first marriage. She died November 14, 1929 at age 11. Caroline and Jasper had seven more children: Caroline Rose Robinson; Phylis Muriel Planes; Ruth Leona Clark; Josephine Ann Morey; Delia Cecelia Clare; Joseph William and Gordon Lawrence.
The one time owner of the freight canoe, Louis George (indigenous name spelt Quin-tain-i-sihun and Qunteenian), was born on Discovery Island in July 1881. He had siblings Danny, Magdlen, Joshephine and Eddie. Louie married Agnes George who was born March 1, 1878, on the Old Songhees Reserve and died June 1, 1979 in Sooke (Figure 12). Agnes’s George family was unrelated to that of her husband Louis George. Her father was Henry George, another person who died in 1895 in the sinking of The Walter Earle, and her mother was Mary Tate (Born in Sooke, c. 1850, and died March 1956).
The original purchaser of the freight canoe, Jimmy Smith was an uncle of Agnes George according to Cecila Joe and Agnes Dick. This is verified by the published obituary of Jimmie Smith of Clo-oose (Born c. 1883. Died at age 48 on April 22, 1931). It is noted that in addition to his wife, Jimmie was survived by five nieces, listed as Mrs Louie George, Mrs Elizabeth Edgar and Mrs Effie Edgar of Clo-oose and Miss Madaline Taite of Saanich. His Nephew Henry Tait is noted as being from Saanich. Jimmie’s father is noted on his death certificate as Joe Smith and his mother as unknown. The information was provided to the coroner by his neice, “Mrs Louie George” (Registration number 1931-09-995154). Effie Edgar was a sister of Agnes George.
This information suggests that Smith was the brother of one of Agnes’s parents Henry George or Mary Tate. Henry’s parents were from the Katzie band on the Lower Fraser River. We know that he was a nephew of the well known Katsie, Simon Pierrie, whose mother was Saanich with parents from Pat Bay and Brentwood Bay (see Suttles 1955:29).
The Tate family were from Clo-oose, where the freight canoe was used in earlier times. Agnes’s mother Mary Tate was the daughter of George MacQuinna Tate and Mary Patterson of Clo-oose. They had a son Henry Tate (Born c.1897, Died Feb. 7, 1958) and a daughter Madaline Tate who were also described as a nephew and niece of Smith but were of a previous generation to Agnes. Henry Tate married Jane Ashelina Bob. She was a Songhees born in 1918, and her father was a Saanich from Cole Bay. She was living in Clo-oose on Feb. 11, 1958. Their ten children have descendants around Vancouver Island. For more information on the Ditidaht territory and surrounding areas see Arima (1991), Bouchard and Kennedy (1991&1994) and Kennedy (2010 & 2018).
There is a photograph of the freight canoe, figure 13, siting on wooden boards near the shore on the east side of the Maplebank portion of the Songhees Reserve. The location can be seen in the left background in the photograph in figure 16 behind a small house owned by the Dick family. A portion of the house Agnes and Cecilia were living in when the canoe was purchased can be seen on the right side of the small house. Figure 15 shows the location where the canoe was stored above the beach and later where it was located in the front yard of the house lived in by Agnes Dick and Cecilia Joe. Of the two long houses next to the road the one of the right was originally ½ owned by Jack Dick and ½ by Alex Peter. Later it was ½ owned by Harry ( “Huttie or Hattie”) Dick and ½ by Alex Peter and Dave Fallardeau. Figure 16 shows Hutty Dick and his two older sons on the beach at Maplebank. Edward Dick said that his father Hutty Dick was the last canoe maker on the Songhees reserve and made canoes for some Saanich people.
We cannot be certain where the museum freight canoe was made or who first used it, but it would have been used at Clo-oose. This is where the first owner Jimmie Smith was from and we know that he was an uncle of the wife of the next owner of the canoe Louis George. As there were no landing facilities for larger boats at Clo-oose passengers and freight were ferried from the larger steamer boats off shore in large dugout canoes (Bruce 1971:65).
Agnes George’s sister was married into the Edgar family. A Clo-oose village Ditidaht, Joshua Edgar (Born 1894), was the village postmaster and mail carrier during the 1950s and early 1960s. He was one who regularly paddled out to the steamers off shore to get the mail.
“Joshua’s mode of travel was a good-sized dugout canoe which he had fashioned out of a large cedar log. Clo-oose was one of the very last centres where the ancient traditional carving of canoes, with rudimentary tools, was a fine art. Many exquisite examples of this native workmanship were completed by Joshua Edgar and even today at the age of 76 he sets to work with well worn adze whenever a suitable cedar tree is washed ashore” (Hammer 1970).
Anthropologist Wayne Suttles had pointed out long ago that we need to be aware not to see Coast Salish as a single homogenous entity and recognize that they are speakers of 14 different languages that have their own regional histories (Suttles 1987; 1989).
Anthropologist Dorothy Kennedy in her doctoral thesis (Kennedy 2000) did an analysis of the indigenous and contemporary social organization of the Coast Salish people of southwestern British Columbia and northwestern Washington State, with a focus on the Squamish Nation. Her thesis provides the best example showing the historic complexities of Indigenous peoples on a multi-regional scale.
The story of this canoe is a tiny reflection of that bigger perspective. We see in the movement of this freight canoe, and its linkage to many people, a regional example of historic changes across even larger cultural boundaries – between speakers of two larger unrelated languages families.
In June of 2018, I was invited to participate in a BioBlitz at the Hakai Institute on Calvert Island. From the initial planning stages, it was clear that this was going to be an exciting and scientifically rich journey. The organizers (Dr. Brian Starzomski, Sara Wickham, and Gillian Sadlier-Brown) invited me to help them to survey the island for “all terrestrial life.” With such a daunting task at hand, I was relieved to discover that a number of other experts, including other entomologists, botanists, lichenologists, ornithologists, and general naturalists, had also been invited.
Following a 1.5 hour float plane flight north from Campbell River, we arrived at Calvert Island. Situated about halfway between the northern tip of Vancouver Island and the southern tip of Haida Gwaii, the island truly represents the heart of the Great Bear Rainforest. From the first moments at the facility, we began our task of identifying as many of the species inhabiting the island as possible. The next seven days were spent traversing to the beaches that make up the northwest coast of the island, hiking to inland hilltops, and scouring lagoons at low tide. In all locations, I collected insects, while others collected insects, but also plants, spiders, lichens, and observations of vertebrates. Evenings were spent carefully preparing the specimens gathered each day. A lab full of equipment and enthusiastic staff made it possible to identify specimens, photograph them, and extract tissue. The extracted tissue will be sent to the Centre for Biodiversity Genomics at the University of Guelph for DNA barcoding.
The week was beautiful and tiring, but extremely productive. The insect and spider specimens, over 1300 in total, have made their way to the Entomology Collection at the Royal BC Museum. They are being further identified to species where possible. This single week of field work will produce a valuable snapshot of the insects and spiders inhabiting a special portion of British Columbia’s central coast. They could help us to answer any number of questions about the patterns of biodiversity in our province and the forces that affect those patterns. Stay tuned here for future analyses of these data.
On March 11, 2011, a magnitude-9 earthquake occurred off the coast of Japan, which triggered a monumental tsunami. The tsunami created massive destruction, taking lives, collapsing buildings, roads, railways and a dam and triggering a series of nuclear accidents. Tsunami debris continues to wash up on the shores of North America and Hawaii, seven years later. The Royal BC Museum has become the repository and permanent home for the biological material collected from this tsunami debris.
Fifty boxes of organisms collected from tsunami marine debris, both wet and dry, were shipped to the Royal BC Museum. This included some debris that was comprised of man-made objects (substrates), to which marine life was still attached. This sea life was primarily marine invertebrates such as barnacles, bivalves, bryozoans, and hydrozoans. The substrate materials included pieces of fibreglass, masonry, plastics, rubber, Styrofoam and wood, from objects such as docks, boats, buoys, household items and buildings. I agreed to carry out a conservation assessment of the dry material and to advise staff on the best way to store it.
The purpose of storing the Japanese tsunami debris collection at the Royal BC Museum is the long term preservation of the marine life. Research work will be carried out to identify any invasive species that have made their way here from Japan. The stability and the longevity of the substrates will influence the long term preservation of the attached sea life. If the substrates degrade, break apart and disintegrate, the attached colonies and individual specimens will be lost.
I assessed the collection and found that the dry, synthetic, substrate materials were deteriorated and dirty. All were discoloured, bleached, brittle and/or cracked. Some of the substrates were missing sections. There were no plans to remove residual sea salt and sand from the substrates, as this would damage the attached marine life.
I consulted with our senior conservator Kasey Lee, on the best storage conditions for plastics and rubber, as she had just returned from attending a Conservation of Plastics workshop at the Canadian Conservation Institute. The Conservation experts recommended that plastic materials be stored under freezing conditions.
I proposed to Dr. Henry Choong, our curator of Invertebrate Zoology and Heidi Gartner, our Collection Manager of Invertebrate Zoology, that the dry tsunami debris material be stored in a chest freezer, at minus 20◦ C. This would halt the deterioration processes of the plastics, and prevent the loss of marine life. It would also reduce the off-gassing of volatile acids from substrate materials such as wood and rubber. This would preclude the development of Byne’s disease, the chemical and physical breakdown of carbonate-based materials such as shells, due to exposure to acids.
I also suggested that, as a precaution, unbuffered acid-free tissue paper or card be added to the storage containers. This would serve as a humidity buffer because the deterioration processes of some plastics are accelerated in the presence of moisture. As rubber will continue to oxidize in freezing conditions, to slow down its deterioration rate, I also recommended that an oxygen scavenger be added to the sealed storage boxes containing the rubber substrates.
I provided advice to contractor Pascale Archibald on proper storage containers and supplied her with some of the conservation – approved storage materials to house the tsunami debris collection. She wrapped individual objects and cushioned them in unbuffered, acid-free tissue paper in clear polystyrene Durphy boxes. Pascale also made custom storage mounts for the irregular-shaped substrates, using corrugated polyethylene known as Coroplast and polyethylene foam called Ethafoam.
Re-housing of the dry tsunami debris material for long term storage is now completed. The substrates are supported without damaging the attached sea life. An oxygen scavenger will be added to the containers with the rubber substrates and all of the newly-housed dry material will be moved into a chest freezer in the Invertebrate lab.
Identification of several of the plastics will be carried out with FTIR analysis (Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy) at the Canadian Conservation Institute.
A temporary display of the Japanese tsunami debris collection can be viewed in the Royal BC Museum Pocket gallery in Cliff Carl Hall, until Sunday, October 14, 2018.
In June of 2018, I was invited to Calvert Island by the Hakai Institute to take part in the Hakai Seagrass BioBlitz.
The Hakai seagrass surveys, part of an ongoing long-term research project, focus on unravelling subtidal patterns of microbial ecology, with a focus on several ecologically important marine macroalgae and seagrass (Macrocystis, Nereocystis, and Zostera). Sampling was done offshore with divers, and also in surfgrass habitat on the rocky shore.
The seagrass biomass provides food, habitat, and nursery areas for numerous adult and juvenile vertebrates and invertebrates. A single acre of seagrass may support thousands of fish, and millions of small invertebrates. Because seagrasses support such high biodiversity, and because of their sensitivity to changes in water quality, they have become recognized as important indicator species that reflect the overall health of coastal ecosystems.
During our survey in June, we sampled focal species on various nearshore and intertidal localities around Calvert Island. This work is part of other surveys done at local and regional spatial scales and along the Central Coast in conjunction with the Hakai long-term seagrass and kelp monitoring programs conducted by the Salomon Lab at Simon Fraser University. Our team on the survey comprised experts from the Beaty Museum, Florida Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian, Friday Harbor Labs, and of course, the Royal BC Museum.
Specimens collected include polychaetes (worms), diatoms, amphipods, hydromedusae (small jellies), and hydroids. I am a hydrozoan specialist, so my task was identifying and studying the hydrozoans (hydroids and hydromedusae) found living on the seagrass.
All specimens were photographed, databased, and sent to be barcoded. The Tula foundation provided the funding for the barcoding through the Barcode of Life Data System-BOLD, University of Guelph. Cnidarian samples (hydroids, etc) will be sent to the Smithsonian for DNA work, as they require different treatment.
The Royal BC Museum’s participation reflects the institution’s important role as a member of the larger biodiversity research community- increased taxonomic resolution of the flora and fauna associated with seagrass helps us understand the structure and dynamics of the seagrass habitats. Another goal of this year’s, and other bioblitzs, is to generate an exhaustive field guide to the algae and invertebrates that can be found in seagrass habitats around Calvert Island.
Stories of the past inform and shape our understanding of the present. But what happened to the stories less shared, either in public institutions or private sphere? The Royal BC Museum as a public institution is committed to exploring, preserving, and sharing British Columbia (BC)’s diverse heritage. With guidance from the Advisory Committee and in partnership with the South Asian Studies Institute (SASI) at the University of the Fraser Valley (UFV), our work on the Punjabi Canadian Legacy Project (PCLP) Phase 1 in 2015-2017 resulted in the development of new collections, new online educational tools, and community consultations throughout the province. This work was made possible by the generous support from the H.Y. Louie Co. Ltd, as well as the strong institutional support from host institutions around BC.
In the 2015-2017 Phase 1 consultations, communities have expressed the wish to create strong, diverse legacy projects, including K-12 and public education materials, travelling exhibitions to traditional and non-traditional public exhibition spaces, community engagement and development, and other communications. The Advisory Committee are currently helping to shape a fundraising plan for these projects.
Following the consultations feedback, currently we are working on the Phase 2 of the PCLP with a modest BC Museums Association Canada 150 fund administered through the UFV, ending in March 2018. In response to community feedback on further outreach, the SASI and the Royal BC Museum collaborate to hold community workshops to continue engagement and collect family history. From summer to winter 2017, we completed workshops in Golden, Prince George, Paldi/Duncan, Kelowna, Vancouver, Surrey, and Abbotsford with support from the host institutions. The project coordinator stayed in each region to collect oral history after the workshops. By March 2018 we estimate to complete 80 interviews. The stories we have collected so far in the project reveal amazing connections of the Punjabi Canadian communities across the province and overseas.
Over the course of this work, our community connections opened the project team’s eyes to community resilience and networks. In July 2017, families with former ties to Golden, BC, a Rocky Mountain town where communities believe to be home to the first gurdwara in North America, held a reunion in Surrey. The event gathered 200 people from around the province who moved away from Golden for work or children’s education. The project team attended this reunion, and met some of the families again in Golden as they scheduled their family annual trips to Golden at the time of our community workshop.
In Golden, we heard about the first Sikh wedding in 1972 from the broom and bride, Swarn and Balbir Patara. At the time there was no Sikh temple in the area. What communities believe to be the first Sikh temple in North America in the early twentieth century left no relics in Golden. They had to ship the utensils, religious items and even a priest from Paldi near Lake Cowichan to perform the wedding ceremony.
In Paldi, we heard again about the traditions in the early days, stories that people shared in other communities as well. At the time, as the community population was small, people travelled to gather at different gurdwaras for holiday celebrations and commemorations together. For example, the Independence Day of India was celebrated at Masachi Lake Gurdwara, and Vaisakhi was celebrated in the Victoria Gurdwara. For these gatherings, all the community members got together in the temple from different cities, and to accommodate them, a lot of mattresses were stored at the temple premises. Many today remember it vividly and would love to keep this tradition alive.
In the amazing journey of working on this project, the connections among many families and communities through generations and places that we have learnt along the way have been heartwarming and great motivations for us to continue this legacy building project.
In July 2017 the Royal BC Museum loaned John Lennon’s 1965 Rolls Royce Phantom V to Rolls Royce Motorcars Ltd for an exhibition at Bonhams of London, UK. I had the distinct pleasure of overseeing the delivery of the Lennon Rolls Royce on that trip.
So how do you drive a three ton car with a custom paint job that is fragile and irreplaceable to Britain? The answer is you don’t. You fly, of course.
The Lennon Rolls Royce is more like a moveable artifact than a car, with most of its value associated with its history and aesthetics rather than its monetary collector value. There’s nothing like it in the world. Accordingly, care and planning for the loan were critical. Even a small ding or mechanical failure means a permanent change to the artifact, one that might require expensive restoration work, or more likely, will stay with the car for the rest of its life. The car is not in perfect condition now, but most of the blemishes are actually associated with the history of the car before it arrived at the Museum. John Lennon used the car extensively in the late ‘60’s and later lent it out to other well-known rockers including the Rolling Stones, the Moody Blues and Bob Dylan. Oh, the stories it could tell.
My epic adventure with the Lennon Rolls Royce began with loading the vehicle into an enclosed trailer for the trip to the mainland, where it would be crated for its overseas flight. It rode the ferry without notice, tucked safely inside its enclosed transport. So the first leg involved a truck trailer and a boat.
Once on the mainland, the Rolls Royce was unloaded from the trailer under its own power, measured and examined, and a crate design was finalized. A carpenter set to work building a reinforced platform that looked like it was built to support an office building. In the end, it is likely that the crate weighed almost as much as the car itself.
When the crate base was ready, I drove the Rolls Royce up a precarious ramp onto the platform. This was no easy feat, as the car is right-hand drive, sports a choke, various vintage knobs and levers, and is not driven regularly, so tends to run a bit rough. There were a few anxious moments when it actually ran out of gas on the ramp, and I feared that the engine-assist breaks would fail to keep me (and the car) from rolling backward into the nearest obstacle. Fortunately the hand brake worked and we were able to tow it up the rest of the way onto the crate base.
The car was then strapped down over and propped up under the axels, just in case the tires deflated in flight, allowing the car to sink and the straps to go slack. The crate was made only slightly larger than the car, with no pads or cushioning as these would abrade the paint as a result of vibration during movement.
The Rolls Royce then flew into Stansted Airport, north of London, UK. The countryside around that part of Britain is amazingly familiar, with the same blackberries in bloom, chestnut trees laden with spikey balls, and, surprisingly to me, fields of Canola (I hail from the prairies). We met the Rolls Royce in the cargo hangar after it cleared customs. I would have loved to see the looks on the faces and hear the banter of those customs agents, but that business took place behind closed doors. The vehicle literally rolled out along a conveyor belt, was lifted off by a humungous fork lift, and deposited into a shower-curtained lorry (when in Rome…). It fit, with at least an inch to spare. See, it’s all about the planning.
Then we were off again through the English countryside, to a tiny little town between fields, churches and tudor-style inns to the outfit that would uncrate the Rolls Royce. When we arrived, the team immediately set to work unbuttoning the crate with the expectation of children on Christmas morning. They knew what was inside and several took a few moments to call their friends and loved ones to brag about their task. Everyone took pictures. I fended off overly-enthusiastic bystanders who wanted to climb in.
Once again there was an adrenaline moment when the improvised ramp split as the Rolls Royce was driven down off the crate base. A piercing crack was heard, followed by the sight of the car dropping a few centimeters. As rubber ages, it becomes stiff and brittle and the tires on the Rolls Royce were definitely on their last… well, legs. A blow out would be disastrous. Just the jarring of the slight fall could have dislodged a brittle joint or loose paint. Fortunately no damage was done and the ramp was reinforced before the front wheels met the same fate.
The next leg of the trip involved driving the vehicle onto a special car-carrying lorry. Fortunately this was a slick job with nothing left to guesswork and ingenuity. The truck actually disgorged its box onto the level pavement where the vehicle could be easily driven inside using fold out metal ramps. Then the driver could take his leave through the overhead side door. These people were professionals with all the best equipment. I left the driving to them.
Once safely loaded into the car-transport lorry, we embarked on another long drive through the English countryside, destined for P & A Wood, official Rolls Royce service company. They had been contracted to put new tires on the Lennon Rolls Royce, and to give it a thorough inspection by trained mechanics, experts that we don’t have on staff at the Royal BC Museum. I marvelled at how the lorry navigated the tight traffic circles, passing through one quaint town after another. My driver was kind enough to explain to me the processes for thatching roofs and creating the decorative pargetting on the plaster cottages we passed. The sheep and cows raised inquisitive heads and the ubiquitous pigeons dared us to hit them as they scavenged at the roadside.
After an hour or so, we finally reached our destination, a very impressively appointed set of newer buildings sporting Rolls Royce/Bentley showrooms, parts stores, and two service shops. We unloaded the Rolls Royce on the street, almost causing a couple of accidents as passing motorists craned to have a look, and drove into a spotless building that looked more like a showroom than a service department. The Lennon Rolls Royce was deposited amongst its kind, with Fred Astaire’s 1927 Rolls Royce Phantom I just ahead of us. I felt a sense of awe, but surprising to me, so did the various workers inside, who were thrilled to see the famous John Lennon Phantom V up close. The digital shutters began snapping again all around me. It was and will always be a privilege to be in the company of such a world famous piece of history.
I left England shortly after depositing the Lennon Rolls Royce with P & A Wood, headed home to my office job at the Royal BC Museum. The Curator, Lorne Hammond, would take my place in London a few days later, assisting with the installation and media events at Bonhams. The rest will be Rolls Royce history. It appears that they have finally forgiven John Lennon for daring to mess with their refined brand image. Time has a way of sorting out those things. But the excitement around the Lennon Rolls Royce appears to be timeless.
B.C. is home to more than 3,000 flowering plant species; the richest flora in Canada. This botanical exuberance is our legacy of a complex geological history coupled with a varied landscape and climate. The result is the occurrence of many rare species in our province.
At the Royal British Columbia Museum Herbarium, we keep dried and pressed examples of the province’s plants including at least one specimen of each of the rare species. These identified and labelled specimens are accompanied by information about place and date of collection, collector, and often details of the local environment. The specimens serve as proof, or vouchers of the species in B.C. and as a reference for comparison of newly collected material.
Rare plants can be classified into four groups:
1. Those that occur at a single or few localities, each population with few individuals.
2. Those that occur at several localities and are locally common.
3. Those that occur in many areas, but in low numbers.
4. Those that occur in a restricted area but are abundant
Rare plants, in many cases, are endangered plants because compared to widespread species even minor disturbance can cause them to disappear or be seriously affected. However, some rare species on distant difficult-to-reach mountains may not be endangered, whereas large populations in areas under intense influence from human activity can be seriously endangered. Climate change is one disruptive phenomenon that will reach all plants.
My work focuses on the environmental history of the province and how that history might explain the distribution of rare species. Furthermore, lessons learned from ancient history provide insights into the potential fate of our flora, including rare species, in the event of major climatic warming associated with the “Greenhouse Effect”.
With the potential for warming of about 2-4 degrees Celsius, in the mean annual temperature, we can expect major changes in vegetation and consequently major impact on rare species. In this context all rare species on whatever scale whether local (such as Galiano Island), regional or provincial must be considered potentially endangered. The reason for this concern, is that we do not know how plant species will respond to climate change. We do know that change will effect plants somehow. Rare species are most sensitive because even the smallest impact may destroy a population; and because a species is rare, once it disappears, there will be no reservoir in British Columbia from which it can recover. The greatest concern is for plants that are not only rare and impacted by climatic warming but also under stress from direct human activities such as logging, agriculture or urban development; For all rare plant species we must consider reducing these added stresses to help them survive the broader assault of Global warming.
As climate change proceeds we may expect some rare or endangered species to benefit and expand. These would include species of dry open habitants such as the garry oak (Quercus garryana) woodland and meadows of south east Vancouver Island and adjacent Gulf Islands. This region contain a very high concentration of rare plants such as the endemic Macoun’s meadow-foam (Limnanthes macounii), bristly manzanita (Arctostaphylos columbiana), golden Indian Paintbrush, (Castilleja levisecta) a balsamroot (Balsamorhiza deltoidea) and many others. The rare and endangered species of the arid lands of the southern Okanagan – Thompson and Kootenay may benefit; provided we conserve sufficient habitat for them and provide corridors for their migration. These species thrive under hot dry setting and could spread northward and up-slope as forests and woodland succumb to drought. Good examples include the Mariposa lilies (Calochortus spp).
The losers will be plant species of moist and cool or cold settings; inhabitants of the alpine zone and wetlands. Eventually, forests will spread up-slope, eliminating open alpine habitats and species especially on southern low elevation alpine areas. In some places weedy species such as knapweed, may expand into pristine subalpine and alpine zones as live stock carry seeds through expanding grasslands.
Wetlands in all parts of the province, especially dry regions such as the Gulf Islands and adjacent Vancouver Island and the southern interior, will be at greatest risk. Studies of bog and lake cores from these areas clearly reveal that water levels, water chemistry, and as a result, plant communities change markedly as climate alters. For example, in our area many smaller lakes and ponds were neutral to alkaline, precipitating the limey sediment called marl. Some medium-sized lakes were completely dry in Interior B.C. where the mean annual temperature was about 2 C warmer. Once suitable conditions for a wetland plant disappear, the plant disappears. Unlike terrestrial plants, wetland plants cannot disperse up-slope or up-valley along a corridor or gradient of suitable habitat. Somehow they must jump to the next suitable wetland before the one in which they live dries up. Combine natural change of wetlands with increased demand for water by livestock, moist sites for agriculture, drinking water, irrigation and invasion by introduced species such as Purple loosestrife and you have a prescription for very difficult times for endangered wetland plant species.
Each local area should know what rare and endangered species occur there and where they grow. Learn how to recognize your rare plant residents. Consider adopting the plants and their locality and monitor the population for increases or decreases. Develop local policies and strategies to minimize the impact on these special plants and places. Take responsibility for conserving the natural legacy of thousands of years of history; some of those rare species may become crucial elements of the new vegetation that is to come.
*Article modified from original printed in the Active Page Galiano Monthly Magazine, January 1991.
A very interesting specimen is recorded in the catalogue of the Vertebrate Zoology Collection of the Royal B.C. Museum for April 19th, 1932. It was the body of a three day old bison donated by the Victoria Parks Department. It was the baby born in Victoria’s Beacon Hill Park to its bison parents Victoria and Albert.
On November 9, 1928, William Straith, President of the Victoria Junior Chamber of Commerce, had advised the Victoria Park Committee that he had been trying to obtain two bison (buffalo) for the Beacon Hill Park Zoo. The Dominion (Federal) government allotted two from Alberta’s Buffalo National Park near Wainright where they had previously been brought from private herds in the U.S. The Canadian National Railway offered to ship them free. William Straith donated $250 toward the building of a stable and would try to raise the money for fencing (Archives CRS 76, 3B3-1).
The Colonist newspaper was against acquiring the bison. Their editorial of March 3, 1929 said it would be too expensive to care for the animals and it “would be a form of cruelty” because there was no suitable accommodation in Beacon Hill Park:
“The buffaloes, if they are to have anything resembling their native habitat, must have considerable space in which to roam. It is all very well to confine them in National Parks many square miles in area. It is quite a different thing to immure them in a confined space under wholly unfamiliar surroundings just for the purpose of titillating the curiosity of our residents and tourists. It is plainly evident that the transportation, accommodation and upkeep of these animals would cost thousands of dollars”.
At the March 6, 1929 Park Committee meeting, a letter was read from the B.C. S.P.C.A. objecting to placing a pair of buffalo in Beacon Hill Park on the ground that “it is cruel and improper to move these animals from a cold dry climate to a wet climate.” The Committee decided to confer with “other Coast Cities on their experience” (Archives CRS 76, 3B3-1). Bison had previously been kept in Stanley Park.
On March 20, Alderman Straith suggested that one half of the present deer enclosure be used for the bison. The Junior Chamber of Commerce would pay for the fencing. On March 27, Straith reported that the City would be required by the Dominion Government to “enter into a bond re the care of the buffalo” (Archive CRS 76, 3B3-1).
The two-year old pair of bison, a cow and bull, arrived in Victoria on May 20. They were placed in a crate inside a C.N.R. boxcar for the four day trip from Wainright Alberta. After reaching the coast, they were brought by car ferry to the Point Ellice train dock in Victoria West and then by truck to the Park. Roderick MacLeod, who accompanied the bison, said that, compared to European zoo accommodation, the park facilities were “first class”.
The Times newspaper explained that the bison “have a brand new log hut and a fair-sized run in which to exercise and even a few bushes where, if they want, they can escape the staring eyes of the public”.
Their handler Roderick MacLeod said: “They will miss the herd for a while, but they have been penned at Wainwright for some time in order to make them used to it and will be perfectly at home in a few days.” He explained the young buffalo looked bedraggled because they still had their long, shaggy winter coats. The Times began a name campaign for the bison on May 21. The names chosen were those of late Queen Victoria and her husband Albert. The names were likely prompted by the fact that Queen Victoria’s birthday was on May 24 (Times, May 21, 1929:1&3; The Daily Colonist, May 22, 1929:5).
The bison did not have long and happy lives. Victoria died in 1932, the same year as her calf, which was gored by Albert. This was the baby bison donated to the Museum (Catalogue # 001302). The Daily Colonist reported on April 20, 1932: “Buffalo Mourned. Victoria’s happy buffalo family is happy no more. Death has removed one of its members, a baby buffalo born to Victoria and Albert two weeks ago. An attempt was made to save its life, but the animal died yesterday”. This information would suggest that the baby was more than three days old when received by the Museum. The stuffed baby, continued to be loved as a taxidermy specimen on public display in the old Museum location in the East Wing of the Legislative buildings. Over the years it was extensively worn down by public patting and was discarded when the Museum prepared to move to its new location in 1968.
There was, however, a calf that Victoria and Albert had the previous year that was sent to the Crawford Cattle Ranch near Fort St. John in the Peace River region for an experimental crossbreeding program with cattle (Figure 3 and Figure 4).
On May 9, 1935, the last bison in the Beacon Hill Park Zoo, Albert, was found dead. The bison were never replaced in the Park.
Bison have an interesting history in this province. During the time when they were rapidly disappearing throughout North America the British Columbia government was still encouraging their extirpation from northern British Columbia, as exemplified by the 1884, B.C. Government Advertising to Americans that show the animals that can be hunted in British Columbia (Figure 5).
Bison are now making a major comeback in British Columbia via the ranching industry (Figure 6). The dating of specimens in the RBCM’s paleontological collection and the identification of pollen shows that Bison were previously in the Victoria region for a short period around 13,740 to 12,800 years ago. They lived in an environment which varied from grasslands to lodge pole pine parkland with pockets of popular trees. The scene may not have been too different than that seen in figure 6.
For further reading see: The Loss and Return of Wild Bison. Royal BC Museum. Discovery. News and Events. July 1999, Vol. 27, No.2.
The Purpose of this article is to provide a background for those individuals who wish to understand more about the controversy regarding the voyage of Francis Drake to the Northwest Coast of North America. Where Drake landed on the Northwest Coast has been a subject of debate for over 170 years when it played a major role in the boundary settlement between Canada and the United States.
Proper study of this topic would require the combined research of many experts in Spanish and English literary history, maritime history, First Nations cultures and language and the history of geography and map making on the eastern Pacific coast.
I intend here, in Part 1, to provide my perspective on only some of the early literary sources on the subject and commentary of some of those scholars in the past that have examined this question. This is a subject with questions still remaining to be answered. I leave it to the reader to use this information, and to seek out the sources I have referenced, in reading and judging for themselves the many more accessible publications on this subject that have been written in recent decades.
Part II, in this series, will deal with the question of First Nations (Native Americans) and the Drake expedition. Part III, will look at the question of potential physical evidence from the Drake expedition to the Northwest Coast.
These notes in Part I, include a selected list of references that pertain to the discussions of the more northerly route of the voyage of Francis Drake to the Northwest Coast of North America in 1579. Brief descriptions are included to define the nature of the source material.
There are many hundreds of books and articles published on Francis Drake but few of them deal in any detail with the northern most part of his voyage on the Pacific coast of North America. Of those that do the sources they use are few. I will refer to some of the less known early sources of information on Drakes voyage and then the two early sources that are most commonly referred to.
I suspect that as Spanish scholars dig deeper into the Archives new information will arise to provide a more comprehensive view of this subject. New archaeological evidence is almost certain to turn up. The landing place where the crew stayed would be strewn with items such as broken ceramics. And if not, found in nearby archaeological sites where it was taken away or given to local First Nations. Other items should be expected to be traded further away by local First Nations. One of the best candidates for such an assemblage is the earliest historic material found buried under a mud slide at the Ozette site on the Olympic peninsula of Washington State.
Depositions of Nuno da Silva 1579-80, and others. Archivo General de Indias, Seville, File 2-5-2-2/2.
This Spanish document includes the deposition of San Juan de Anton, written by Pedro Samiento de Gamboa. In Vol. XCIV of the Coleccion de Documentos Indeditos para la Historia de Espana, Madrid, 1889. These have been translated into English and published by Nuttall (1914).
Depositions of John Drake of March 24, 1584 in Santa Fe and declaration before a Spanish Inquisitor January 8-10, 1587, in Lima Peru. Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Legajo of papers related to Drake, File 2-5-2/21.
Both are printed with translations as Appendices I and II in Eliott-Drake (1911). Parts are also translated by Nuttall (1914).
Francis Drake’s nephew John Drake was captured by the Spanish. Records of his statements still survive. The Spanish depositions mention four times that Drake went to 48 degrees north. Drake “would sail north as far as he could in search of the strait which the cosmographers have been insistent exists, and having found it would return that way to England”. On his journey Drake “saw five or six islands of good land. …largest and the best, Nueva Albion. Here he remained a month and a half, repairing the two ships which he had with him” (Antonio de Herrera reprinted in Wagner 1926:330-334).
In his second deposition John Drake stated that at Nova Albion Francis Drake “landed and built huts and remained a month and a half, caulking his vessel. …Here he caulked his large ship and left the ship he had taken in Nicaragua” (Nuttall 1914). The significant information here is the statement that Drake repaired his ship on an Island.
Diary of Richard Madox. 1582. British Museum. Document 38. Private.
This document is reproduced & discussed in Donno (1974) and Taylor (1957).
Richard Madox met with and corresponded with Sir Francis Drake while assisting in the preparations for the Fenton expedition of 1582. Madox was the minister on board Edward Fenton’s ship with five members of Drake’s expedition: Captain John Drake (the nephew of Sir Francis Drake), Lieutenant William Hawkins, pilots Thomas Hood and Thomas Black Collar and the musician Simon Wood. Madox regularly dined with Hawkins and Captain John Drake.
Madox mentions on April 30, 1582 that “after supper Captayne Drake made a discourse on his voyage and also his extemytyes on his voyage” (Donno 1974:309). On October 13, Madox mentions: “In Ships Land which is the back Syde of Labradore and as M. Haul [Christopher Hall] Supposeth nye thereunto Sir Frances Drake graved and bremd his ship the[r] at 48 degrees to the north”. (Donno 1974:208-209).
The Naval Tracts of Sir William Monson [composed mainly around 1640, but including many professional papers and official memoranda on naval affairs originating during the preceding half-century; largely printed in Awnsham and John Churchill’s Collection of Voyages and Travels (1704-1732), Vol. III, pp. 163-560; but complete, from the original MSS., here for the first time], edited by M. Oppenheim (5 vols., Navy Records Society nos. 22, 23, 43, 45 and 47, London, 1902-14). [Extracts from Monson 1704].
Monson was a distinguished Naval officer who wrote manuscripts on Naval history. Some of his information is from then published sources, but it is uncertain what he meant when he said “with some Addition of Sir Francis Drake”. In his introduction he states that Drake “ventur’d upon and unknown Sea in 48 Degrees, which Sea or Passage we know had been often attempted by our seas, but never discover’d”. Later: “From the 16th of April till the 5th of June, he sail’d without seeing Land, and arriv’d in 48 Degrees, thinking to find a Passage into our seas, which Land he nam’d Albion; the People were courteous, and took his Men for Gods; they live in great extremity of Cold and Want; Here they trim’d their Ship, and departed the 25th of July, 1579” (reprinted in Wagner 1926:325-26).
The Famous Voyage of Sir Francis Drake into the South sea, and there hence about the whole Globe of the earth in the yeere of our Lord, 1577.
This manuscript was published in 1589. The original in the British Museum was inserted in a copy of Richard Hakluyt’s 1589, The Principal Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation, London. But this document may not have been printed until 1594 or 1595.
The writings were compiled by Richard Hakluyt from three sources – John Cooke’s manuscript; part of the Anonymous Narrative, and part of the manuscript of Francis Fletcher, the chaplain on Drakes ship. The manuscript is not as comprehensive as the later 1628 World Encompassed, which used more of Fletcher’s manuscript, and included more details about the voyage north of 42 degrees.
Condensed versions of this were published in Latin (Theodore de Bry 1599) and German (Levinus Hulsius 1603) and a more complete version in French (Paris 1613). English reprints can be found in Irvine (1927) and Wagner (1926).
The World Encompassed. Being his next voyage to that Nombre de Dios formerly imprinted, Carefully collected out of the notes of Master Frances Fletcher preacher in this imployment ….By Francis Drake. 1628. Printed by Nicholas Bovrne. [Reprinted in Temple (1926)].
This document was produced by Drake’s Nephew, with the same name. Sources are Francis Fletcher’s manuscript, the Edward Cliffe account (Cliffe was only on the first part of journey), and relations of Nuno de Silva and Lopez de Vaz.
It is noted in this manuscript that: On June 5, they were forced “to cast anchor in a bad bay …From the height of 48 deg., in which we were”.
Francis Fletcher’s Narrative. British Museum. Sloane Ms. No. 61. (1588 – 1596).
Francis Fletcher wrote this large manuscript after his voyage on Drake’s ship. The original manuscript is missing, but not before it was used as a reference by several authors. The British Museum manuscript is a partial copy made by John Conyers.
The Anonymous Narrative. British Museum, Harleian Mss, No. 280, Folio 23. A copy is Appendix No. III, in the 1854 edition of the World Encompassed. [It is printed in Wagner (1926)].
This manuscript covers the second part of the voyage. It was written after the voyage from information from unknown members of Drake’s crew. The Narrative says Drake sailed north to 48 degrees “still finding a very lardge sea trending toward the north but being afraid to spend long time in seeking for the straite hee turned back againe still keeping along the cost as nere land as hee might, until hee came to .44. gr. And then hee found a harborow for his ship where he grounded his ship to trim her, & heere came downe unto them many of ye contrey people” (Wagner, 1926:277).
The marine surveyor George Davidson (1908) favours the Famous Voyage, attributed to Francis Fletcher, due to its currency of time – 1589. He suggests that the editor Richard Hakluyt, had an interest in the subject and being a contemporary of Drake would have received more accurate information as he was “within earshot of Drake, Fletcher and others”. He suggested that the World Encompassed would be bias because it was produced by Drake’s Nephew and published much later [1628; 1635; 1652]. He suggested that his nephew would “gather what he could in favor of his uncle although he had been dead thirty six years” (Davidson 1908:87). “When the subject is viewed in different aspects it is a reasonable assumption to say that Hakluyt was the author of the “Famous Voyage” and that he had access to good and tangible authority; and could weight the evidence presented by different narrators”. Davidson believed that the World Encompassed “appears to have been based upon, the “Famous Voyage”, and from traditions, or records of some people who accompanied Drake” (Davidson 1908:88).
John Stow, in 1592, said Drake sailed to 47 degrees north and turned back to 38 degrees. Stow wrote in his Chronicles in 1592, in an article titled Francis Drake His Voyage Round The World: “the 16. of March being on land at the Ile of Canoes, hee passed foorth northward till he came to the latitude of forty seaen, thinking to have come that way home: but being constrained by fogs and cold winds to forsake his purpose, came backeward to the lineward the tenth of June 1579.and stayed in the latitude of thirty eight to graue and trim his ship, until the fiue and twenty of July, and from thence setting his course Southwest he fell the third of October with an Ile 8. degrees from the line Northward, and the 4. of Nouember he fell with Trenate one of the Iles of Moluca” (Wagner 1926:304., from 1635 edition).
Wagner thinks this publication of Stow’s is the basis for the route shown on the Broadside Map published c. 1595 (Wagner 1926:140).
The first person to put forward the proposal that England should seek a direct polar route to China was the merchant adventurer Robert Thorne the Younger. He set out the plan in a letter of 1527 and c. 1531 with an address to King Henry VIII. It was again brought to Henry’s attention by a friend and associate of Thorne’s named Roger Barlow in a cosmography dedicated to Henry VIII in 1541. For 50 years before Drakes voyage of 1579 there were a number of strong supporters (scholars, writers and merchants) of northern exploration to find a northern route to Asia. A northern route was seen as an important outlet for woolen goods that were England’s main export. Expeditions were launched to reach China by both the Northeast and Northwest. England’s search for the Northwest Passage began with the voyages of Sebastian Cabot in 1508-09.Cabot sailed in ships of Robert and William Thorne (the father and uncle of Robert Thorne the younger). Cabot claimed to find the entrance to the Northwest Passage and this became publicly accepted. The earliest cartographic record of this strait between North America and Asia was in 1530 – later it became known as Fretum trium Fratum. The revival of plans for the discovery of the new passage in the 1560s owed much to the initiative of Humphrey Gilbert as promoter and publicist. In 1566 Gilbert wrote “A Discourse of discoverie for a new Passage to Cataia”. It was published in 1576 with a map showing the Northwest Passage. After Frobisher’s voyage of 1576 new hopes were aroused for further voyages (See Helen Willis 1984). The backers of Frobisher were also the backers of Drake (see Symons 1999).
An important document in the British Museum that reveals Francis Drakes beliefs is found in Bernardino de Mendoza’s
Document 2. Dispatches from Bernardino de Mendoza to Phillip II, December 1580 – April 1581. This document is reproduced in English and discussed in (Taylor 1957 and Donno 1974).
On December 20, 1580, Bernardino de Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador whose spy network reported on the activities of Drake and other Englishmen, revealed the Indies Project in which in which Drake was a financial subscriber and who took an active role in the preparation of the voyage. Drake was to take 10 ships to the “Isles of Moluccas” via the Cape of Good Hope. The voyage was undertaken by Edward Fenton, with five men from Drake’s earlier Northwest Coast expedition(Taylor 1957:5).
Mendoza sent a dispatch to Philip II on January 9, 1581, stating that government officials were “pressing Frobisher to renew his attempt (in spite of late unsuccess) to discover a Passage to Cathay, which Drake is of opinion must exist there” (Taylor 1957:16:54). Frobisher and Drake knew each other and had many of the same backers (Symons 1999).
Drake did not go to the East Indies himself (he was knighted on April 6, 1581 and the Queen forbade him to leave the country), but instructions given by backers of the project when he was to be a participant are revealing. The preparatory notes of Arthur Atye [c.1581] were to instruct Drake “not to passe Chyna to the northeastwarde: so will the traffique be better made, and the reason of this charge to be given him is, least perhaps he showeth some desire to searche out his formerly pretended passage N. W. and so hinder this voyage wch [which] is only for trade” (Taylor 1957:16. Document 10).
The project was undertaken with Edward Fenton in charge, but Drake was a financial subscriber who took an active role in the preparation of the voyage. Two men from the Drake expedition, Thomas Blacollar and Thomas Hood went on the Fenton expedition as pilots.
The final instructions issued April 9, 1592 to the leader of the expedition Edward Fenton included:
“10 Item, you shall not passe to the Northeastward of the fortie degree of latitude, at the most, but shall take your right course to the Isles of Molucas, for the better discoverie of the Northwest passage, if without hindrance of your trade and within the same degree you can get any knowledge touching that passage, wherof you shal do well to bee inquisitive as occasion in this sort may serve” (Taylor 1957:54. Document 35. The Instructions, as Issued on 9 April 1582).
Taylor notes that an earlier draft of this item 10 read:
“You shall not pass to the north-eastward of the 40 degrees of latitude at the most, because we will that this voyage shall be only for trade and not for the discoverie of the passage by the northeast to Cataya, otherwise than if without hindrance to your trade and within the said degree you can get any knowledge.” (Taylor 1957:54, note 3).
These instructions suggest that there was fear that Drake may go off on his own looking for the Northwest passage. He was ordered to put a priority on undertaking his trade duties, and only if he had sufficient information to indicate that there was a Northwest passage should he pursue it.
The British sent Martin Frobisher to find the Northwest Passage in 1576. Frobisher and Drake knew each other and had many of the same backers (see Symons 1999).
Richard Madox (who had met and corresponded with Sir Francis Drake while assisting in the preparations for the Fenton expedition of 1582) reports in his private diary of March 15, 1582 that he had discussions with Mr. Ashley a merchant who was preparing beads and other trade goods for a proposed trading voyage of Humphrey Gilbert. Ashley had heard of a report “Sayd of the Yndians that ther was a saylable passage over America between 43 and 46 degrees throe which he sayd Sir Frances Drak cam hom fro the Moluccas” (Donno 1974:96); (Taylor 1957:152. Document 38. Private Diary of Richard Madox – Taylor mistakenly identifies the date as April 30).
Richard Madox was the minister on board Edward Fenton’s ship sailing to South America on the Galleon Leicester in 1582 with five members of Drake’s expedition: Captain John Drake (the nephew of Sir Francis Drake), Lieutenant William Hawkins, pilots Thomas Hood and Thomas Black Collar and the musician Simon Wood. Madox regularly dined with Hawkins and Captain John Drake.
Madox mentions on April 30, 1582 that “after supper Captayne Drake made a discourse on his voyage and also his extemytyes on his voyage” (Donno 1974:309). On March 15, Madox notes that “during our conversations I learned that ravens were very often seen by Francis Drake in Labrador and Caliphurnia, but we have not seen any as yet” (Donno 1974:215). His reference here to Labrador seems to refer to the area north of California – for on October 13, 1582 Madox mentions: “In Ships Land which is the back Syde of Labradore and as M. Haul Supposeth nye thereunto Sir Frances Drake graved and bremd his ship the[r] at 48 degrees to the north. The people ar for statue, color, apparel, diet, and holo speach lyke to thos of Labradore and is thowght kyngles for they crowned Sir Frances Drake. Ther language is thus. Cheepe, bread. Huchee kecharoh, sit downe. Nochero mu, tuch me not. Hioghe, a king, Ther song when they worship God is thus: One dauncing first with his handes up and al the rest after lyke the priest and people, Hodeli oh heigh oh heigh ho hodali oh. Yt is thowght that they of Labradore worship the son and the moon but [whether they] do of Calphurnia I kno not.” (Donno 1974:208-209). (see slightly different version of Taylor – E.G.R. Taylor 1932).
The Hall referred to here is Christopher Hall. Donno speculates that the source of the native words is “probably William Hawkins” but suggests “John Drake is a possibility” (Donno 1974:209, note 2). (see slightly different version of Taylor (E.G.R. Taylor 1932).
John Drake (Wagner, 1926:138) said the ship repaired at a bay in 48 degrees. Wagner suggests this statement was a conspiracy to claim to 48 degrees for political reasons (p. 140). It would seem more likely to me that Drake would have claimed a location further south so the Spanish did not discovered the location they had found further north. In a second deposition John Drake stated that it was in 44 degrees – possibly 600 miles from the coast. One interpretation here is that the ship, after moving rapidly north to 44 degrees in a storm, was forced by Northwest winds to head Northeast to come near the shore at 48 degrees? This fits best with the statement below.
John Drake’s declaration before a Spanish Inquisitor at Lima in 1581. [Davidson 1908:17-18 from translated narrative in The Western Antiquary” Plymouth, November 1888, p. 83 – As quoted by R.M. Brereton]: “They then shaped their course by northwest and northeast and proceeded 1000 leagues as far as latitude 44 deg., always on the bowling. Afterwards they tacked about and went to California and discovered land in 48 deg., where they landed in order to take up their quarters, and remained there a month and a half repairing their ship and taking in her sea provisions which were Mareleones [seals] and wolves [sea lions]”. On epossible location for this is Race Rocks off Vancovuer Island near the entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca.
John Drake in his second deposition of 1582 [Zelia Nuttall 1914; Heizer, p. 281] stated:
“There he [Francis Drake] landed and built huts and remained a month and a half, caulking his vessel. The victuals they found were mussels and sea lions. …these people were peaceful… but gave them no food. …Here he caulked his large ship and left the ship he had taken in Nicaragua”.
The famous Arctic navigator John Davis, after whom Davis Strait is named, was on the 1591 expedition of Thomas Cavendish to the Strait of Magellan and made three voyages to the northwest in search of the Northwest Passage. He indicated in his 1595, publication Worldes Hydrographical Discription that after Drake entered into the south seas “he coasted all the Westerne shores of America vntill he came into the Septentrionall latitude of forty eight degrees being on the backe syde of Newfound land”. [Davidson 1908:17; Wagner 1926:315].
The historian, Wagner concludes from his examination of maps that what they have in common “is the placing of Drake’s port from which he departed to the southwest, south of a cape which is variously laid down at latitudes between 40 [degrees] and 42 ½ [degrees]. This cape is unnamed except on Molyneux’s globe as Cape Mendocino (Wagner 1926:142).
George Davidson calculated that the Golden Hind traveled 71 miles per day for 1160 leagues by June 5 – the general direction then at latitude 40 degrees N and longitude 129 degrees west, or about 70 leagues west of Cape Mendocino. Davidson said the N.E. trade winds are lost at about 30 degrees, but mentions one voyage in which they were not found until reaching 41 degrees N. We do not know where they may have been in 1579. Vessels coming from the Philippines encountered N.W. winds (September – October) between 35 and 40 degrees and usually about 10 degrees of longitude distant from the Coast.
Davidson (1908:88)chastises others for believing “that Drake sailed his dull ship six degrees of latitude in less than two days against a north-wester”, but we do not know for sure if he was sailing against the wind or with it – it would depend on where he was at various times.
Wagner indicates that in The Famous Voyage they traveled 600 leagues between April 16-June 3 and arrived at 42 degrees on June 5th. Hakluyt reprinted 1600 leagues and eliminated “in longitude”. The Anonymous Narrative has Drake sailing north 800 leagues. The World Encompassed stated “500 leagues in longitude to get a wind and between that and June 3, 1400 leagues in all, till we came into 42 degrees of north latitude”. Wagner thinks he could only make it in 50 if he went a long distance west. Wagner (p. 136) suggests Drake was at 42 degree or 44 degrees latitude when encountering N.W. winds and turning east. The Anonymous Narrative says he reached 48 degrees.
Wagner (p. 137-8)points out that the route shown on the Molyneux globe of 1592 extends north to 47 or 48 degrees and to the Moluccas begins at or just below Cape Mendocino at about 42 ½ degree. The Dutch and French Drake maps show a similar route “except that the point of departure to the southwest” about 40 ½ – 41 degrees. The Silver Medal and the Hondius Broadside maps depict the route as extending to 48 degrees with the point of departure S.W. at about 38 degrees. Wagner notes Hakluyt’s choice of the lower latitude in Fletchers narrative over the Anonymous Narrative versions and speculates that Hukluyt must have had: “Some positive knowledge of the correctness of the latitude, or a conclusion based upon the general probabilities of the case, that Drake could not have reached the coast as high a latitude as 46 degrees”.
George Davidson (1908:27) argues that it would be impossible to sail the Golden Hinde from latitude 42 degrees to 48 degrees against a strong head wind and a heavy sea swell. But was it against or tacking N.E. with the N.W. wind? And how far north were they before they headed N.E.? Davidson concluded that the Golden Hinde was at latitude 42-43 degrees and made landfall about 42 degrees. Drakes first anchorage was at Chetko Cove in latitude 42 degrees, 3 minutes, and his second anchorage was “under eastern promontory of Point Reyes Head, in latitude 38 degrees “where only the white cliffs faced his ship” (Davidson 1908:108).
The problem we have here is trying to choose which sources that give the northern latitudes of Drake’s furthest extend – and the place where he stayed to careen his ship -are the most reliable. In order to judge how far north he went in a particular time period, we need to judge where he was when he started his travels from south to north and the directions he took. We need to know weather and/or when he encountered N. E. and N. W. winds.
There are no solid facts here. The reasons we choose some over others at this point can only be based on a number of other facts, circumstances and subjective reasoning. If Drake went far W.N.W. out to sea and caught fast winds going north before encountering N.W. winds that forced him to head in a N.E direction he could have first come ashore around 48 degrees north. This is a scenario presented by Bishop (Figure 6) in which I am open to as a possibility.
Two men, John Butler and John Oxenham, from the Francis Drake voyage were captured by the Spanish. On February 20, 1579, they were asked questions before Spanish Inquisitors in Lima Peru. When asked if the English were attempting to set up Colonies on the Pacific Coast Butler replied that Sir Richard Grenville had applied to set up at Rio de la Plata, but did not proceed. Butler said the “Francis Drake had often spoken to him saying that if the Queen would grant him a license he would pass through the Strait [Magellan] and found a colony on the west side in some good land” (Wagner 1926:5-6 – from Nutall 1914. Butler’s deposition, 5, Oxenham’s 8).
Henry Wagner was an excellent scholar of his day. At the time of his writing he did not have all of the information that is available today. His comments on this subject of Drake’s voyage were interpreted by his view that Drake was to establish trade in the Moluccas and not to look for a Northwest Passage. Wagner stated that trade in the Moluccas “might have been either the sole or chief object of his expedition”. Wagner did not believe that colonization was on the agenda and considered the Anonymous Narrative statement about the Strait to be “ambiguous”. He indicated that “All that can be conceded is that Drake, and certainly Fenton [reference to Edward Fenton’s voyage of 1582-83], had instructions to plant a factory somewhere, if a good opportunity offered” (Wagner 1926:15-21).
Wagner rejected the information from The World Encompassed as an extrapolation from The Famous Voyage and other sources (Wagner 1926:141).
Davidson (1908:35) suggests that the maps “laid down to” latitude 43 degrees. Davis was of the belief that the 48 degrees latitude “can not be accepted” (1908:37). He expressed his “disbelief of the idea” of Drakes attempt to reach the “ice barred north coast” (1908:36).
Davidson notes that a 1585 letter of the Viceroy of New Spain to the King of Spain pertaining to the survey of the coast of California points out that the galleons returning from Manila “kept in sight of the land for seven hundred leagues before reaching Acapulco”. Davis speculates that: “It is barely possible the galleons may have been at Drake’s Bay before the San Augustin under Cermeno was wrecked in that vicinity in 1595, and where Vizcaino anchored the San Diego in January 1603” (1908:58). Davidson notes Cape Mendocino at 40 degrees, 26 minutes is that on Mercator 1569 and Ortelius 1570 maps (1908:101). “Cabrillo and Ferrelo made the landfall of the high wooded shoulder behind Fort Ross in latitude 38 (degrees) 31(minutes) El Cabo de Pinos: it is very probable he saw the crestline of the coast range (2200feet) behind Point Arena, in latitude 39 (degrees)” – “He probably reached latitude 42 (degrees) 30 (minutes), but was seventy miles off shore” (Davidson 1908:89).
George Davidson favoured the Point Reyes area as Drake “could not miss the protection of Point Reyes Head for an anchorage in which to refit his ship” and he could not see the entrance to San Francisco Harbour 1908:58).
More recent publications provide alternate locations for the carrinage of Drake’s ship. These will be summarized in the conclusion of Part III.
Bishop, R.P. 1939. Drake’s Course in the North Pacific. The British Columbia Historical Quarterly, 3:3:151-182.
Davidson, George. 1908. Francis Drake on the Northwest Coast of America in the Yerar 1579. The Golden Hinde Did Not Anchor in the Bay of San Francisco. Transactions and proceeding of the Geographical Society of the Pacific. Vol. V, Series II.
Donno, Elizabeth Story. 1974. (editor) An Elizabethan in 1582. The Diary of Richard Madox. Fellow of All Souls. Hakluyt Society. Second Series, Volume 147.
Drake, Francis. 1628. The World Encompassed. Being his next voyage to that Nombre de Dios formerly imprinted, Carefully collected out of the notes of Master Frances Fletcher preacher in this imployment ….. Printed by Nicholas Bovrne.
Eliott-Drake, Lady. 1911. The Family and Heirs of Sir Frances Drake, London.
Hakluyt, Richard. 1582. Divers Voyages touching the discovery of America, London.
Hakluyt, Richard. 1589. The Principal Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation, London.
Hakluyt, Richard. 1600. The Principal Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation, London.
Irving, Laurence. 1927. The Famous voyage of Sir Frances Drake into the South sea, and therehence about the globe of the whole earth, begunne Anno 1577, pp. 136-164. In: A Selection of The Principal Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, London. By Hakluyt, Richard. 1552 – 1616. Set Out with Many Embellishments and a Preface, William Heinemann Ltd, London.
Nuttall, Zelia (translator and editor). 1914. New Light on Drake. A collection of documents relating to his Voyage of circumnavigation, 1577-1580. Hakluyt Society, London.
Symons, Thomas H. B. (Editor with assistance of Stephen Alsford and Chris Kitzan) 1999. Meta Incognita; A Discourse of Discovery. Martin Frobisher’s Artic Expeditions, 1576-1578, Volume 1 and Volume 2. Mercury Series Directorate Paper 10. Canadian Museum of Civilization.
Taylor, Eva G. R. 1932. Francis Drake and the Pacific: Two Fragments. Pacific Hisotrical Review, Vol. 1, no. 2.
Taylor, Eva G.R. 1957. The Troublesome Voyage of Captain Edward Fenton 1582-83. The Hakluyt Society, Second Series:No CXIII, Cambridge University Press.
Temple, Sir Richard Carnac. 1926. The World Encompassed and Analogous Contemporary Documents concerning Sir Francis Drake’s Circumnavigation of the World with an Appreciation of the Achievements by Sir Richard Carnac Temple, The Argonaut Press, London. [Reprinted, 1971. Argonaut Press #1. The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake. Edited by Sir Richard Carnac Temple, N. Israel and Amsterdam, Da Capo Press, New York].
Wagner, Henry. 1926. Sir Francis Drake’s Voyage Around The World. Its Aims and Achievements, John Howell, San Francisco, California.
Willis, Helen. 1984. England’s Search for the Northern Passages in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeen Centuries. In: Unveiling the Artic (ed) Louis Rey, The Artic Institute of North America, pp. 453-472, The University of Alaska Press.
As many of you will have noticed, there is a new archives collection search database. It uses a system called AtoM (Access to Memory) which is also used by City of Vancouver Archives, UBC Rare Books and Special Collections, SFU Archives, the World Bank and others. It is quite different from the old “blue and white site” with which we have become familiar, and with which – with all its faults – we have become comfortable. However, the old search site, dating back to the early years of the internet, will soon be gone, having survived longer than most websites.
>Use * (instead of ?) as a wild card (e.g. judg* to retrieve judge, judgement, judgment, judging, etc.), and ? (instead of #) for single character substitution (e.g. ver?g?n will find Veregin, Verigan, Verigen as well as the more common spelling of Verigin).
>Use AND (all caps) to combine terms (e.g. alma AND russell) and quotation marks to specify an exact match (e.g. “alma russell”) Otherwise the search will be treated as an OR, i.e. match any terms, search. For example, alma russell will retrieve descriptions with Alma Russell as a phrase and with both Alma and Russell somewhere in the description (not adjacent), but also records with only Alma and with only Russell.
>With the exception of the Identifier field in Advanced Search, search terms can be in upper or lowercase. When using Boolean operators (AND, OR, NOT) – which must be in uppercase – enter the entire search statement in uppercase if you wish to avoid having to shift from lower to upper case, e.g. ALMA AND RUSSELL AND WAR.
>Enclose any term or number with a hyphen or other special character in quotation marks, e.g. “MS-0055”, “I-00204”, “e/c/w96a”. Otherwise the hyphen, slash, etc. will be ignored. For example, if MS-0055 is searched without quotation marks (other than in the Identifier field), the results will include records descriptions with only ms (or MS) and only 0055 present as well as those with both.
>The Identifier field option in Advanced search is unique in that it is not only case sensitive but it does not require quotation marks to search a number with hyphens designated as an identifier (e.g. call number, accession number, item number). A string of such numbers can be entered with spaces in between to search on any of the terms entered, e.g. MS-0054 MS-0055 G-02580 G-02581 G-02582. Note that not all numbers are considered identifiers, e.g. HP photo numbers are only searchable in a basic or Any Field search.
>Use the General material designation filter in Advanced search to limit results to one type of record, e.g. textual, sound, etc. By default the system searches all types (except library material and vital event records which are in separate databases).
Limit search results to series level descriptions to view textual records at the same level as the blue and white site. If you know the MS or GR numbers, use the Identifier search option in Advanced Search which will also yield only the series level description. Similarly, a PR number will produce only the fonds level description.
>When viewing an individual series level record description use the Quick Search feature in the left-hand column to search for specific lower-level record descriptions. If the series level description has an attached finding aid (in the Notes area), click on the link to open the PDF and use CTRL-F to search for specific files or items.
Next: Basic search vs Advanced search
When most people think about by-catch, they think of shrimp fisheries and the thousands of tons of sea life which gets caught along with shrimp. The desired species are kept, and most everything else is dumped back into the sea or onshore.
By-catch can be a great source of new specimens for museum collections. When I go out with the Department of Fisheries and Oceans on deep sea trips I am able to sample the catch and preserve what I want. Some specimens are new to BC, some are just cool – like Brown Catsharks. We keep some specimens because they have an interesting story – like the Dreamer that had swallowed a huge wad of packing tape.
By-catch from my samples and individually donated specimens also benefits other museum researchers. Melissa Frey and I carefully dissected a large copepod (a species of Pennella) that had attached to the back of the eye of a Louvar. I get the fish, the invertebrates collection gets the massive ectoparasitic copepod (I win – both in non-creepiness and biomass). Sometimes we save other parasites (flukes to leeches) from aquatic vertebrates for the “aquatic” invertebrate collection, as well as mites and ticks from reptiles, to fleas from mammals, and some funky flies (Family Streblidae) which are ectoparasites of bats. These go into the entomology collection.
This week, the entomologists returned fire with another specimen – this time from their sampling program at Hotsprings Cove, Maquinna Provincial Park. Their insect traps catch the occasional shrew, toad and salamander, and today I received this tiny Western Red-backed Salamander for the amphibian and reptile collection.
This past summer I had ‘one of those moments’ – a moment that where you are suddenly aware that you are on the brink of something special – and it happened at an unexpected place: a car rest stop.
View of the Peace River from the car rest stop.
Yes, I had this ‘moment’ while at a car rest stop, at the top of a hill, overlooking the Peace River. I was struck by the beauty of the river and surrounding area. However, the feeling was compounded by the fact that I was also about to take part in my first ‘bioblitz’.
A bioblitz is an event that takes place over a short period of time where scientists, naturalists, and volunteers attempt to identify as many species as possible in a specific area. Myself, and 5 colleagues from the Royal British Columbia Museum (RBCM), were about to join a bioblitz organized by the Biological Survey of Canada (BSC) and the Yellowstone to Yukon (Y2Y) Conservation Initiative. Over a five days period we would be joining at least 20 other participants in documenting the biodiversity of the Peace River area that lies between Hudson’s Hope and Fort St John along the Peace River. The area was chosen because 1) it is an area that would change drastically with the construction and flooding caused by the BC Hydro Site C hydroelectric dam and 2) because relatively little is known about the flora and fauna in the area. As a biology nerd, I was excited to be participating in such a large collaboration in such an important area.
The RBCM participants were Claudia Copley (Entomology Collection Manager), Darren Copley (Bird and Mammal Preparator), Erica Wheeler (Botany Collection Manager), Ken Marr (Botany Curator), and Kristiina Ovaska (Invertebrate Research Associate). The other participants included researchers from all over the province (and few from outside the province!) that work for a range of private and professional (both governmental and NGOs) organizations and businesses. However, the best part of the bioblitz was that we were joined, supported, and guided by local naturalists, land owners and First Nations.
Darren and Claudia Copley scanning the skies for birds.
Erica Wheeler collecting plant specimens with the help of a local land owner.
Kristiina Ovaska, RBCM Invertebrate Research Associate.
A collaborative field team from the RBCM, Ministry of Environment, and the local community.
Local young naturalist.
Local land owners sharing their knowledge of the area.
Through the incredible collaboration of Y2Y and BSC, researchers were connected with local First Nations, land owners, and boat owners who shared their time, knowledge, and resources – thereby, allowing researchers to visit unique and difficult to reach habitats. During the five day bioblitz we able to explore an incredible diversity of habitats and sampled wetlands, sloughs, rivers, creek slopes, cascading water seeps, rotting tree falls, and forest leaf litter.
Sampling along the river edge.
A stunning and unique environment along the Peace River.
I was thrilled to get to work with our Research Associate, Kristiina Ovaska, in the Peace. Not only is Kristiina an expert on terrestrial gastropods and amphibians but she is a talented photographer. Here is a small sampling of the amazing photos she took of the local biodiversity:
In short, it was an incredible week. My feeling, my ‘moment’, at the car rest stop on the first day was more than justified. I had an amazing week learning from, and working with, incredible researchers and naturalists. However, I was most touched by the connections made with the local community and First Nations. They are a group of people that are very passionate and committed to wanting to preserve the Peace River in its current state. The habitats, the plants and animals, and the people of this place are deeply connected.
Even before I was hired as a museum curator, I was asked to write 28 species entries for some obscure fishes in Animal: the definitive visual guide to the world’s wildlife. I had to take painfully dry science and distil it into 45 or so words that anyone could understand. That set me on a dark path (cue sound effects) to the hidden vaults of museum collections and my laboratory. Who doesn’t want a laboratory full of bones?
The skeleton of an Olive Ridley Sea turtle in my laboratory.
Museum work dwells in obscurity, and a great proportion of BC citizens have no idea that RBCM staff publish academic research on par with university professors. We have an annual research day where museum staff tell other staff-members what is going on here – because we often tend to work in isolation and forget to trumpet our own successes. Short story is: Yes we do research – but to quote a friend’s daughter, “It’s not rocket science.” Some people question the value of museum research since it is not generating food, medicine or some other product essential to the Canadian economy. But not everything has an immediate practical value.
A North Pacific Argentine (Argentina sialis) from BC blasts off into academic obscurity. Modified from: http://www.forwallpaper.com/wallpaper/takeoff-launch-rocket-fire-smoke-baikonur-240897.html
People spend hours debating whether Pluto is a planet or not, and we spend billions of dollars on rockets and probes to examine our distant neighbours. We won’t colonise that planetoid/planet – so why spend so much energy debating its celestial designation? We debate it because people love to learn about new things – and let’s face it, people love a good argument.
Pure science has its own unique value – it is unlike other fields of study. If we look back, there was a time when electricity was considered a mere curiosity with no practical application. That is hilarious from a 2015 vantage point, as I bask in fluorescent light, the hum of the light’s respective ballasts in my ears, with several electronic gadgets at my fingertips. Much of what we do in museum research and collections development appears to have no practical value. We collect and study objects with no idea how they will be used by future generations. Perhaps the Louvar and Finescale Triggerfish are the vanguard to future drastic changes to the Pacific Ocean’s ecology. Perhaps not. I have no idea whether anyone will ever look at those fish again.
We commonly get accused of stamp collecting – merely trying to collect one of everything just to say we have a complete set. Perhaps my collection of Star Wars cards predisposed me to a life as a museum scientist. Now that I think of it, we actually have packs of Star Wars cards in the RBCM’s Human History collection. I wonder if the museums packages still have the horrible tasting chewing gum? But I digress…
Instead of being satisfied with one of everything in Natural History (a philatelic approach), we keep collecting. We collect year to year from different areas, males, females, young, old, eggs, tadpoles, oddities, etc., and in all Natural History disciplines, the one commonality is that we do specimen based research. We don’t have labs full of machines that go ‘ping’, unlike university biology departments – which to me look more like chemistry labs these days. But at a museum, we still have preserved specimens – plants, crabs, fish, fungi, lichen, birds, whales… This is a taxonomists playground. University researchers come to us when they need material for study (DNA, hair samples, or to make measurements from historic specimens) – just today I had a request for feather samples from White-crowned Sparrows. Museums also are as close to a time machine as you can get outside of science fiction. At museums you can hold an animal or plant collected 100 or more years ago. Nowhere else provides this sort of service to science and society.
But who cares? What is the point of discovering a new fish in BC waters? Or unravelling a species complex of beetles or stickleback? For me, the research generates knowledge for the simple pleasure of knowing stuff. I get a research paper published and maintain a publication record as a fish nerd – and that is enough for me. Do you benefit from scientific introspection (AKA navel-gazing)? I say yes.
People did well enough before the Victorian era, even though the present diversity of nature was far from understood. But ships in the 1700s and 1800s carried frenzied explorers to far corners of the world, in a grand age of biological stamp-collection. The race was on to catalogue nature and this continues even today. Without a proper understanding of species boundaries, all other branches of biological science and medical experimentation collapse. There is no sense comparing the effects of a drug on Norway Rats relative to a control group of un-medicated gerbils. It may seem simplistic to say that, but if we don’t understand species, we could be comparing quite different organisms rendering scientific results meaningless.
As a practical example of your reliance on science, try figure out what species of fish are in your local grocery store. Sure the labels says “sole”, but which one? Is that a local species? Or imported from Europe? Could one of them represent an endangered species? Are all the fish in the same tray from the same species? You may not be interested in a museum article on the identification of a single fish, or the RBCM’s contribution to DNA barcoding, but you may be ecologically conscious and want to make informed dietary decisions. Without proper identification, or if the basic taxonomy is wrong, we all flounder in ignorance. Even your grocery store choices depend on basic museum science.
Beyond practicalities on an individual level, does the museum as an organisation benefit from obscure research? Again yes. Active study maintains the institution’s reputation as research facility. It shows we are engaged, and that we continue to discover new things. The research helps build the collection – a biological library which generates even more scientific study. We stockpile museum specimens and information for the benefit of society. Museum researchers generate primary literature for academic discussion, but we also filter volumes of information to create concise content for public consumption. We bridge the gap between hard-nosed science and the hard-working public. A museum fails when it isolates collections and researchers from the public. What is the point of a museum collection if no one sees it, no one studies it, and the information is not shared.
How can you keep current with our scientific advances and collection development? Our work is available globally in scientific journals. However, peer-reviewed science is mostly held in university libraries, and online access to scientific articles can be an expensive cure for insomnia. We also make our work available in a more casual format. You can visit in person and stroll through our galleries, take a collection tour, view one of our travelling exhibits, and we are also just a click away with blog articles, museum magazine articles, and web portal content. There are many ways the RBCM bridges the gap between pure academic research and the interests of every-day museum visitors. You don’t expect to learn about Pluto at the RBCM, but you do come here to learn about British Columbia and connect with our vibrant research community. We are irrelevant without you.
On April 20th, 2015, a 9 meter Grey Whale washed up on Long Beach, Vancouver Island. On April 23rd, a small army of researchers and volunteers performed a necropsy and cleaned most of the meat off the bones. The bones are now buried and once clean, will be added to the Royal BC Museum’s research collection.
One item that did not stay with the whale’s bones was its baleen. Baleen is essentially the same epidermal material as your fingernails and acts as a sieve to allow the whale to strain water from edible morsels like crustaceans. You can see the baleen in the mouth in both of these photos, although in the second photo, most baleen had already been removed. Several organisations wanted material for public display, and so I decided to experiment with a method of slow dehydration to preserve strips of baleen.
The baleen itself was removed right down to the gum-line along the jaw – and it pulled out very cleanly. I left cut sections of baleen at room temperature in a standard picnic cooler overnight. The next day I washed the sand and other debris out of the baleen and then immersed each piece in 95% ethanol. The pieces stayed in ethanol for 5 months (almost to the day), with the hope that the alcohol would draw out water from the remaining tissues.
To make a short story long: it worked.
The baleen was removed from the ethanol and left to air dry over a few days. I had thought I would have to use heavy nails to nail each piece to a board to prevent the tissue from curling, but it proved unnecessary. The gum-line did curl slightly, but not enough to ruin the look of each piece.
In these three photos you can see the baleen in lingual view (the side facing the tongue), labial (the side facing the lip) and the underside of the gumline which shows fine slots and canals which housed the cells producing baleen tissue.
Now the baleen chunks can be left at room temperature and over time the slight alcohol-fishy-smell should dissipate. Once permits are secured for each organisation, I’ll be able to ship the sections of baleen to local nature centers so that people can see first hand how fascinating baleen really is.
I am sure my parents just shook their heads when I started bringing home reptiles and amphibians, but they did not discourage me. That is what matters. They suffered the smells that wafted from the various cages, had to deal with escaped snakes, lizards and newts (newts always were found dried-out in mid-stride…), and took me to the hospital after a large python tried to kill me. But I don’t think they had any idea that my interest in animals would lead to a worthwhile career.
In winter my Dad took me out to buy goldfish, and in summer, we’d go to nearby ponds to catch frogs to feed to my pet snakes. We’d also do our annual pilgrimage to the snake dens at Narcisse, in Manitoba’s interlake region. I was a lucky kid. My parents let me vanish into swamps with ice cream buckets to hunt frogs and snakes all day. I wonder what proportion of kids today are so free. Perhaps there is a game now where kids get to catch and keep frogs and snakes. Sim-Terrarium anyone?
These memories came flooding back because my friend Lea also has started her son on a similar path. Lea has allowed her son to have a pet praying mantis and a chamaeleon… who knows what is next. My guess is a Bearded Dragon will be next or a Leopard Gecko. A few decades from now perhaps he will have my job here at the RBCM.
Last week I helped a young lad identify a bone he had found. Obviously he had ideas about the bone’s identity, and had wondered whether it was a skull or not. But after a short visit to the Ornithology collection, I was able to show that the bone he found was the sternum from a Canada Goose. Then I explained where muscles attached that allowed the bird to flap its wings – and how to find the same muscles on the next chicken or turkey they roasted. Perhaps he will become a prominent comparative anatomist. And he too will thank his parents for helping foster an interest in nature.
Perhaps I am to these kids, what Bill Preston was to me. Bill was the herpetologist at the Manitoba Museum, and as the author of the Amphibians and Reptiles of Manitoba, he made a great impression on me. Bill’s book (now very worn) kept me interested in amphibians and reptiles and I eventually replaced him at the Manitoba Museum as their Vertebrate Zoologist. If we spark the imaginations of kids and get them outside to build our next generation of naturalists, who knows where they will end up. I was thrilled to see so many kids at the RBCM’s two commemorative beach walks this summer – my youngest daughter included.
We also hosted some amazing kids this year at our Gold Rush day camps. They certainly will remember the vats and jars of pickled specimens in my lab. These kids are the future scientists, politicians, lawyers, entrepreneurs, and regardless of which career they choose (we can’t all be lucky enough to work at a museum), kids need exposure to nature. It doesn’t matter if kids like lichen, liverworts, lepidoptery, or leopard frogs, our job as parents and mentors is to make sure today’s kids appreciate and value their connection to the earth.
Learning about soil (photo by my wife, Jeannette Bedard).
My favourite invasive species is still on the move. It is August 24th, 2015, and I just received photos confirming the presence of European Wall Lizards at Shawnigan Lake, British Columbia. A few weeks back, I was chatting with Rod Park, a cameraman with CHEK news. He said he had lizards at his house in Shawnigan Lake. The behaviour he described sounded suspiciously like that of the Wall Lizard. Alligator Lizards (our native lizard on Vancouver Island) are far more secretive and not so likely to be found in numbers in urban environments.
Today I received photos taken by Rod’s son Sterling, and even though the lizards did not cooperate – the photos are certainly good enough to show that they do indeed have European Wall Lizards. The lizards appeared about a year ago, and now sightings are a regular occurence. This is typical – one or two lizards reproduce, and the population explodes to 50 or more lizards in a few years. Some gardens on the Saanich Peninsula have hundreds of Wall Lizards – this species is highly invasive.
Who knows how they made the jump to Shawnigan Lake – as eggs in a plant pot? Adult stow-aways? Intentional release? We may never know. This record certainly is a surprise – there are a few records from Mill Bay, but none as far west as Shawnigan Lake. Please be careful when moving hay, horse trailers, plants and soil – you never know what else you are carrying. Wall Lizards don’t need any more help – they have gone far enough.
Anyone reading this in the Shawnigan Lake area — please email any sightings to me here at the RBCM so we can keep tabs on the rate of spread in your region. This summer we also had our first record in North Vancouver, and so I wonder where they are next to appear? This species could spread far down the Pacific coast and disturb native wildlife as it spreads. Wall Lizards are an unwelcome addition to our fauna and there seems to be no way to eliminate them from Vancouver Island now.
Photo by Sterling Park, August 2015
Since they are cannibalistic, I could imagine they’d have no problem eating (or at least killing) hatchling Sharp-tailed Snakes and Sharp-tail Snake eggs, or newborn garter snakes. They probably can eat newborn Northern Alligator Lizards, and every sunny day, Wall Lizards in BC must eat hundreds of thousands of insects and spiders. The unique place we call British Columbia is being hit hard by exotic species. You can make a difference. Help prevent the spread of these invasive lizards.
My contact info:
Gavin Hanke Curator, Vertebrate Zoology | Archives, Collections & Knowledge
675 Belleville Street, Victoria, BC Canada V8W 9W2
T 250 952-0479 | F 250 387-0534 (who sends faxes anymore?)
We rarely get a chance to sample freshwater fishes in BC, especially in the extreme north and rely on voucher specimens from other researchers to build our collection. One of the most rarely collected fishes is the Broad Whitefish (Coregonus nasus). Usually I talk about southern fishes invading northward, or exotic fishes released by people, but the Broad Whitefish is an example of an Arctic fish that just barely ranges into British Columbia, and we had six listed for the RBCM collection:
RBCM 000-00155-003; a single fish from off Canoe Creek mouth, Shuswap Lake, collected in 1979.
RBCM 979-11202-001; a single fish from Nisutlin Bay, Teslin Lake, Yukon, collected in 1979.
RBCM 979-11208-001; a single fish from just north of Teslin on east side of Teslin Lake, Yukon, collected in 1979.
RBCM 986-00295-001; two fish with no locality data, although they were collected the same day by the same collector as RBCM 990-00170-001.
RBCM 990-00170-001; a single fish from Kugmallit Bay, Beaufort Sea, collected in 1980.
Only one of our specimens was caught within British Columbia, and this single fish is from Shuswap Lake off the mouth of Canoe Creek. If you check Don McPhail’s magnum opus on Freshwater Fishes of British Columbia, there is no record of Broad Whitefish stocked in Shuswap Lake. Something so obvious as a Broad Whitefish in Shuswap Lake should have thrown up warning flags, but the specimen in the RBCM collection has sat since November 2000 and had not been re-examined. One of the jobs of a museum curator is to periodically look for probable mistakes in specimen identification, and correct identifications if possible.
Here is my Key to help identify whitefishes, and is a combination of identification keys by McPhail (2007), Wydoski and Whitney (2003), Nelson and Paetz (1992), Scott and Crossman (1973), McPhail and Lindsey (1970). The numbers in the key in brackets allow you to backtrack if you made a mistake.
Choice 1a – single flap of skin between front and rear openings of nostrils, snout narrow and somewhat pointed, gill rakers stout and short – go to 2
Choice 1b – two flaps of skin between front and rear openings of nostrils, snout width tapers gradually or is blunt, gill rakers elongate but may be shorter – go to 4
Choice 2a (1a) – small spots (parr marks) retained in adults, snout blunt and rounded, base of adipose fin less than eye diameter, 18 to 20 scales around the base of the tail, lateral line scales same size as adjacent body scales:
PYGMY WHITEFISH (Prosopium coulterii) – found in the Fraser, Columbia, Mackenzie, Yukon, North Coast, and Central Coast drainages. Because parr marks retained as adults, Pygmy Whitefish commonly mistaken for juveniles of Mountain Whitefish.
Choice 2b (1a) –lateral line scales are noticeably smaller than adjacent body scales, snout pointed when viewed from above – go to 3
Choice 3a (2b) – base of adipose fin less then the diameter of eye, snout pinched and slightly pointed, gill rakers short and stout, scales on flank with darker margin:
ROUND WHITEFISH (Prosopium cylindraceum) – found in the Mackenzie, Yukon, and North Coast drainages.
Choice 3b (2b) – adipose fin about 1.5 times the eye diameter, scales on flank evenly pigmented without darker margin, snout variable from ones with evenly tapered convex snouts to those with longer and thinner snouts offset from the general profile of the head:
MOUNTAIN WHITEFISH (Prosopium williamsoni) – found in the Fraser, Columbia, Mackenzie, North Coast, and Central Coast drainages.
Choice 4a (1b) – mouth extremely large and almost as wide as head, jaws with fine teeth, and the jaws appear squared when viewed from top, snout flattened and superficially pike-like, lower jaw extends beyond upper jaw, body cylindrical and elongate:
SHEEFISH (Stenodus leucichthys) – found in the Mackenzie and Yukon drainages.
Choice 4b (1b) – snout small and narrow and not as wide as head, lower jaw may project ahead of upper jaw, body deep and compressed – go to 5
Choice 5a (4b) – tip of snout flat to overhung – go to 6
Choice 5b (4b) – tip of snout pointed, lower jaw may protrude beyond upper jaw – go to 7
Choice 6a (5a) – tail fin shallowly forked, adipose fin nearly the same size as eye, upper jaw far longer than deep, head tapers back towards dorsal fin (deepest part of body at dorsal fin origin):
LAKE WHITEFISH (Coregonus clupeaformis) – found in the Fraser, Columbia, Mackenzie, Yukon, North Coast, and Central Coast drainages.
Choice 6b (5a) – tail fin deeply forked, adipose fin significantly larger than eye, upper jaw is as deep as it is long, body profile raises abruptly from head giving a hump-backed appearance (deepest part of body well-ahead of dorsal fin):
BROAD WHITEFISH (Coregonus nasus) – found in Teslin Lake, Yukon.
Choice 7a (5b) – upper jaw does not reach level with the leading edge of eye or only barely reaches eye level, pelvic fins positioned nearly level with the dorsal fin origin (i.e., the equivalent distance from the snout to the pelvic origin, measures back from the pelvic origin to the narrow part of the caudal peduncle ahead of the origin of the fulcral rays of the tail):
LEAST CISCO (Coregonus sardinella) – known only from Atlin, Teslin and Swan lakes in the Yukon drainage in British Columbia.
Choice 7b (5b) – upper jaw longer, reaching at least the level of the pupil, pelvic fin origin positioned noticeably behind the dorsal fin origin (i.e., the equivalent distance from the snout to the pelvic origin, measures back from the pelvic origin to a point behind the origin of the fulcral rays of the tail) – go to 8
Choice 8a (7b) – deepest part of body ahead of the dorsal fin origin (slightly hump-backed appearance), upper and lower jaws usually equal such that neither protrude, dorsal margin of upper jaw fairly straight, pelvic fin origin positioned mid-way along the length of the dorsal fin base:
ARCTIC CISCO (Coregonus autumnalis) – found in the Mackenzie (in British Columbia known only from a spawning run in the Liard River).
Choice 8b (7b) – deepest part of body at the dorsal fin origin (not hump-backed), upper jaw reaches back level with the pupil of eye, dorsal margin of upper jaw curved, pelvic fins positioned well-behind the dorsal fin origin:
LAKE CISCO (Coregonus artedi) – found in the Mackenzie River system in British Columbia.
NOTE: Lake Ciscoes are highly variable within and between river/lake systems. Within lakes, there may be bottom dwelling and open water populations that evolve distinctive body features and this complexity makes species identification difficult. Molecular data suggest that populations of Coregonus artedi evolved a normal, long-jawed form and a short-jawed form within many lakes. This short jawed form usually gets called Coregonus zenithicus because fisheries biologists considered the short jawed form a distinct species that dispersed from the Laurentian Great Lakes. Molecular evidence suggests that multiple independent origins of “zenithicus-like” short-jawed forms evolved across Canada from separate populations of typical Coregonus artedi. The lumping of all short-jawed forms from all lakes across Canada obscures true evolutionary relationships among whitefishes.
RBCM 000-00155-003, from off the mouth of Canoe Creek, Shuswap Lake, collected June 12, 1979 (I was in grade 6). It was originally labeled as Salmo sp., and re-identified as Coregonus nasus in November, 2000. What do you think? Does it match the description or the drawing from Scott and Crossman (1973) (below)?? Even Step 1 in the key eliminates this fish as a Coregonus species – RBCM 000-00155-003 has one flap of skin separating the anterior and posterior nasal openings. Lateral line scales are a bit smaller than adjacent body scales, the snout is pointed when viewed from above, and the base of the adipose fin is significantly longer than the eye diameter. Oh well, problem solved. – it is a Mountain Whitefish (Prosopium williamsoni), from well-within the known range for that species.
Broad Whitefish have a deep compressed body, and the body profile raises abruptly behind head giving a hump-backed shape (weight forward – in flyfishing terms). This species also is noted for its short, deep upper jaw bone, and short, blunt snout which overhangs the mouth. The head is small relative to the body. The lateral line is straight and the body is covered with large cycloid scales. Broad Whitefish are dusky to nearly black on the back, which blends to silvery sides and a pale yellow-white belly. The head and gill covers may have fine dusky freckles. Fins are dusky to black in adults, the pectoral and anal fins may have blue to purple iridescence, and fins of young individuals are pale and translucent. Young Broad Whitefish also lack spots (parr marks), unlike young Mountain Whitefish which have spotted bodies like juvenile salmon. Broad Whitefish grow to 86 cm.
The diet of Broad Whitefish in Teslin Lake shows they are bottom-feeders. They eat caddisfly larvae, midge larvae and pupae, waterboatmen, snails and fingernail clams, amphiopds, and zooplankton. Larval fish and fish eggs may also be eaten. Young Broad Whitefish take copepods, cladocera and midge larvae, and graduate to larger items later in the first summer.
Globally, Broad Whitefish are found from the Baltic Sea, and Norwegian Sea, east across Russian Arctic to the Kuskowim River, the Yukon River system in Alaska, and other coastal streams and lakes draining into the Bering Sea, Chukchi Sea, and Beaufort Sea. They are also known from the Mackenzie River and Perry River drainages in Nunavut. In BC, Broad Whitefish are restricted to Teslin Lake and its tributaries in the Yukon River drainage. This represents the southern-most limit of the species’ natural range in North America.
Broad Whitefish are said to be common in rivers rather than lakes, but also are found in estuaries, rarely venturing far along Arctic coastal areas. Broad Whitefish are tolerant of murky water, but also will be found in clear lakes or streams, and as their hunched-over body shape suggests, the species is oriented towards the river or lake bottom rather than the surface or open water. Broad Whitefish are known to make extensive migrations, but the population in BC is lacustrine and presumably, movements are restricted to spawning runs, movements for feeding, and perhaps retreat to deeper water to overwinter. Fish in Teslin Lake are caught in less than 10 meters depth in summer, and this probably reflects feeding habitat during the productive summer season. Yearling Broad Whitefish also occupy shallow water, as do young-of-the-year, and move to the shelter of any structure or headlands when waves pound the shoreline, and to deeper water in winter.
Broad Whitefish move from lakes to tributary streams to spawn in October to November, but this behavior may begin as early as July to August in the far north. They probably spawn under ice cover when water is near 0°C. Broad Whitefish may spawn in streams which drain from a lake, or they may head upstream in tributaries which feed into a lake to find suitable gravel substrate for egg deposition. We do not know the exact nature of Broad Whitefish spawning in Teslin Lake. Females can carry up to 51,000 eggs, and in the Arctic Red River, females can outnumber males by 15 to one, and they spawn at night. Like other whitefish, Broad Whitefish scatter their eggs over the substrate and abandon their offspring. Because of energetic constraints in the north, Broad Whitefish may spawn every other year, although a good proportion will spawn in consecutive years. Shortly after spawning, adults move back to their resident lake (or downstream to another lake) for winter refuge. Some Broad Whitefish use the same over-wintering areas in consecutive years. Eggs have been incubated for 59 days at 4°C, and hatched as temperatures were elevated to 7°C; this temperature increase probably simulated spring’s slightly warmer runoff to the developing embryos. In the wild, eggs probably hatch around ice breakup in spring. Broad Whitefish are known to live at least 35 years.
For comparison, here’s the head of a real Broad Whitefish from the Beaufort Sea (RBCM 990-00170-001). The snout profile and the shape of the upper jaw (maxilla) are significantly different – and yes – just to be picky, I checked and RBCM 990-00170-001 has two flaps separating the anterior and posterior nasal opening.
While whitefishes in Canada have been studied intensively, there is still much to learn. There probably are new species to discover (keep your eye on Coregonus zenithicus (Shortjaw Cisco) – it may include several cryptic species). Perhaps with concerns over climate change and with increased attention to northern ecosystems, Canadian whitefish will get the attention they deserve. The single fish identified as a Broad Whitefish from Shuswap Lake, far south of the native range of Broad Whitefish, represents a misidentified Mountain Whitefish (Prosopium williamsoni). In BC, Broad Whitefishes are restricted to Teslin Lake and its tributaries. I think I should bug my friend Kim Howland, she likes whitefish, and suggest she spend some time at Teslin Lake to get more specimens for the museum collection. The RBCM officially has no Broad Whitefish from BC.
Howland et al. 2009, McPhail 2007, Wydoski and Whitney 2003, Mecklenburg et al. 2002, Maitland 2000, Nelson and Paetz 1992, Wheeler 1978, Scott and Crossman 1973, McPhail & Lindsey 1970, Carl et al. 1967.
Everyone loves a mystery. Some chase the impossible – like Cadborosaurus – the mythical mega-sea-serpent described by Bousfield and LeBlond. I prefer to look for long-shots that are possible, like Pygmy Short-horned Lizards and Western Fence Lizards in the Okanagan, or the Western Skink on Vancouver Island and some of our adjacent islands. You may think it is nuts, and a waste of time to look for things that probably are not here. But anecdotes from this last year have got me thinking… or is it dreaming… of lizards with bright blue tails here in my back yard.
A colleague of mine, Purnima Govindarajulu (Ministry of Environment) received a report of a blue-tailed lizard from Denman Island. I heard of a blue-tailed lizard near the junction of Wallace Road and West Saanich Road here on Vancouver Island. Another interesting email from the Brentwood Bay area came in this last week of June which stated,
“The wall lizards appeared years ago. I use to find blue tail skinks around – I know they are still on Saltspring island – I spent years there as a kid and use to see them often. They were occasionally on my parents property, but maybe have been pushed out by the wall lizards.”
Yes these are anecdotes with no accompanying photographs, but they are worth investigating. Why? Martin McNicholl, who was at the University of Alberta at the time, published a sight record from 1975 of a skink with a blue tail from near Courtenay. This 1975 record pre-dates the explosion of European Wall Lizards on Vancouver Island. However, the Courtenay record is considered questionable in the 2002 COSEWIC report by Kristiina Ovaska and Christian Engelstoft, as well as by Allan St. John in his book on reptiles of the northwest. In other words, conventional wisdom says that in BC, Western Skinks exist in the dry interior from the Princeton area east to the area around Creston, and nowhere near the coast. But people are reporting lizards with bright blue tails here on Vancouver Island.
While wall lizards are becoming super abundant on Vancouver Island and spreading to some of the other nearby islands, Western Skinks in BC receive comparatively little attention. McNicholl’s report of a skink near Courtenay all but faded into academic obscurity – and I have to thank Pat Gregory (the herpetology professor at UVIC) for reminding me of McNicholl’s article.
If skinks are not here, then what are these blue-tailed lizards people are talking about? Super colourful wall lizards? Lacertids from some areas of Europe are extremely colourful – some are bright blue. Do we have more than one species of lacertid loose here in southwestern BC?
Here is where I have to ask for help – citizen science is the best way to search for the notorious “needle in a haystack”. I have two eyes, collectively we have thousands. If you are out on a walk – especially on Saltspring Island, sitting in a park, or in your back yard and you see a lizard with a blue tail, please take photos. Even smart phone photos like this one I took at Borden mercantile are sufficient to identify what species you have found.
My first evidence of Wall Lizards at Borden Mercantile – an iphone photo taken moments before I stepped on a rusty nail. No one ever said science was easy.
This earlier blog article has a key to the species of lizards found here in BC – you can select features in the key that can guide you to a correct identification. If you find a Western Skink here on the Vancouver Island or one of the Gulf Islands, or any other unusual lizard, then please get as detailed a set of photos as you can, and forward them to me at the Royal BC Museum for verification.
Matsuda B.M., D.M. Green, and P.T. Gregory. 2006. Amphibians and Reptiles of British Columbia. Royal BC Museum Handbook Series, Victoria, British Columbia. 266 p.
McNicholl, M.K. 1975. Sight record of a Western Skink on Vancouver Island. The Canadian Field-naturalist, 89: 79-80.
Ovaska, K.E., and C. Engelstoft. 2002. COSEWIC status report on the western skink Eumeces skiltonianus in Canada. Committee on the Endangered Status of Wildlife in Canada. 19 p.
St. John, A. 2002. Reptiles of the Northwest, British Columbia to California. Lone Pine Press, Edmonton, Alberta. 272 p.
This summer one of our business records projects is the processing, arrangement and description of the Okanagan Helicopters fonds. These interesting records are being worked on by contract archivist Taryn Jones and UBC student and archivist-in-training Eric Walerko.
Taryn and Eric conferring on Okanagan Helicopter files
Okanagan Helicopters was founded in 1947 in Kelowna as Okanagan Air Services. It provided fixed-wing crop spraying and charter services but soon switched from fixed-wing aircraft to helicopters. As the helicopter fleet grew, so did the services offered by Okanagan Helicopters. They ran a helicopter training school in Penticton and became heavily involved in resource extraction and industrial work including timber cruising, forest seeding, geological survey flights, power line construction and on and off-shore mineral exploration support. In the 1960’s and 70’s the company expanded its services worldwide, especially in the areas of resource extraction support. In 1987 Okanagan Helicopters was purchased by Canadian Holding Company and became CHC Helicopter Corporation.
One of the photographs from the fonds showing an Okanagan helicopter assisting in mountain side timber work
Taryn comparing photographs
In 1986 the BC Archives acquired some film and video records directly from Okanagan Helicopters. The bulk of the records were acquired by the Archives through the Royal British Columbia Museum in 1991.
Taryn sorting through a box of film
Eric protects the photographs by placing them in acid free envelopes
Once the archivists have finished their work, we will be able to provide access to these records in our reference room. The fonds description number is PR-1842.
Okanagan Helicopter’s logo was the hummingbird. The logo continues today in a more stylized form.
One of the many interesting ways to spend time on the internet is to view wildlife webcams. You can probably guess how old I am by that statement. Eagle webcams are popular and our fascination with looking at eagles is nothing new.
In Atlin the Muirhead brothers went to great lengths to take various Eagle photographs. These photos were taken between 1901 and 1903.
Photographing an eagles nest under difficulties
This photo shows one of the brothers up on the cliff face standing over a nest.
Golden Eagles raised from the nest
Taking babies from the nest is not recommended.
All photos from PR-0507 (198205-002) container 000736-0001 Muirhead Brothers Photographers fonds.
The lure of gold brought many miners to Atlin. At the BC Archives we have several metres of government records relating to mining activity. There are mining claims, land records and even claim disputes in the Bennett-Atlin Commission records. But there’s something special about photographs. When we look at a photograph of a miner in action, we may not know any technical details about mining but we can put ourselves in the picture. We can look at the clothes, the tools, the tents and imagine the hard work and the difficult conditions.
We can look at a photo of a loaded sled and wonder about the geography and the weather and wonder what it was like to have to haul everything needed in, and how we would get our products out.
“Black terrier bench claim on Spruce Creek, Cornelius Bell, owner”, M. Bro’s. no 117 1901
All photos from PR-0507 (198205-002) container 000736-0001 Muirhead Brothers Photographers fonds.
When I moved to the BC coast it was a big enough thrill to see whales in the distance, with a spray of air and water and a glimpse of their backs as they surfaced. I have seen several Humpbacks, Killer Whales, and a few Grey Whales while out on research trips, and had a close shave with a Humpback while sailing, but the week of April 20th takes the cake.
On Monday April the 20th, a 10 m yearling female Grey Whale washed up on the beach, near the Kwisitis Visitor Center. A crew was hurriedly assembled to examine the animal and remove it before the tide came in and before predators scavenged the carcass. The question was – Dump it all at sea, or save the skeleton? The decision was made to clean the skeleton and prepare it for the RBCM’s collection – so that changed things a bit. The disarticulation of the skeleton had to be done carefully – but with the same time constraints – we wanted the whale off the beach by end of Thursday April 23rd.
We had people from Parks Canada, Fisheries and Oceans Canada, Cetacea Contracting, Strawberry Isle Marine Research Society, the Ucluelet Aquarium, the Vancouver Aquarium, and numerous whale experts and dedicated volunteers to help dissect the whale. We assembled by 08:30, and after a short set of introductions and an orientation, we discussed safety, and then suited-up and got to work.
Between 9:00AM and 6:30PM on April 23rd, we reduced the whale to its skeleton (mostly) and Lisa Spaven, of the Cetacean Research Program, Fisheries and Oceans Canada, did a necropsy to try determine the cause of death. The short answer? The whale looked pretty normal with no obvious signs of trauma.
It is quite the sight to reach the top of the beach ridge, and see the whale only a few meters away. The first step – remove the blubber from the left side of the animal (that was the side facing us). This was when everyone was most nervous. No one wanted to be the first to cut too deep and cause an explosive release of gas from the animal’s body cavity. This animal had only been dead a few days, so there was no risk of it going into low-orbit, but there was a fair bit of gas which had to be released. Eventually a high pitched squeal, followed by scattering volunteers, meant that someone had cut a bit deep. Those downwind raised their arms to their noses in a vain attempt to exclude the effluvia. I was amazed how many onlookers stayed downwind (north of the whale) – it was far fresher on any other compass heading.
With the majority of the gas released, Lisa continued with her necropsy, which meant she examined the organs for any unusual colours, textures, or any sign of impacts, hemorrhages, etc. Tissue samples taken during the necropsy have been sent away for microscopic examination – we’ll see whether they show any other evidence for the cause of death. As Lisa said in a recent email, “The case is not closed on this animal just yet.”
While she did her work, we set about removing as much muscle and fat as we could, and disarticulated the skeleton. I got the job of separating the left pectoral flipper at the shoulder socket. This whale is a quantum leap from the cats and mink used in undergraduate anatomy labs. Luckily, vertebrates have a fairly conservative body plan and the anatomy makes sense.
Once we got the pectoral flipper and shoulder blade off, I was tasked with the location and removal of the pelvic girdle. Funny thing was: this was my first whale dissection, and someone (laughably) thought I was “the brains” of the operation. Yes I am still laughing at that. The pelvic girdle is reduced to a splint of bone – roughly banana shaped and not far-off the size of a banana on this small whale. You have to remove all the fat from around the animal’s anus, and then press on the muscles in that region. The bones are buried, but you can feel them relative to the softer muscle tissue on the flank. I am guessing the search for pelvic bones is more difficult in larger whales. Once you find the pelvic bones, a sharp knife makes short work of their removal. Ribs also pop off easily once you get the hang of it.
It is amazing how fast knives lost their edge, and I have to thank Ken Parkinson – my step-Dad for his skills with a whetstone. He lost count of how many knives he sharpened and re-sharpened that day. When Ken volunteered to come along that day, I wasn’t sure what we’d get him to do (he took the photos I have used in this post). But everyone was glad he found his niche in the work party.
Large chunks of meat and fat were easy to drop into the tractor’s shovel for disposal, but the intestines were another matter. I think five of us wrestled with the intestines to get them into the tractor – and then we hoped that they stayed in place en-route to the dump truck. The tractor driver shared our sentiment. The discarded fat, organs and muscle were loaded into a boat and then dumped at sea and recycled nature’s way. I am sure there were happy hagfish and sharks that day – and a few days after.
Five people worked on the head – there was a lot of material to remove – including the baleen – which we saved. To be honest, I was so busy, entire organ systems were removed and I never saw them. I never did see the tongue get removed. It was gone by the time we separated the head from the vertebrae.
It was a non-stop process through waves of rain and strong wind, and long periods of warm sunshine. I am not sure which was worse. The rain and wind was uncomfortable, but we were wrapped up anyway to avoid getting any mess on our clothes. Rain wasn’t an issue – although we did ask for help from people with clean hands to lift our raincoat hoods. The sun also made things uncomfortable – we were wrapped in rain gear, boots, and gloves – all duct-taped together. In the sunshine, our best friends were the volunteers with clean hands that opened juice boxes and handed us cups of water. Thank you very much. All I ate during the dissection was one granola bar – Ken carefully unwrapped it and fed it to me. Don’t get me wrong, there was plenty of food provided by Parks Canada, but I didn’t want to stop. I can go three days without eating – so it was no problem.
By the end of the day we had the animal into moveable pieces and loaded into a pickup truck. The sand made it easier to grip the slippery remains. The bones now are buried and will decay in a mixture of sand and soil for about a year. Mike DeRoos of Cetacea, suggested we let this skeleton sit for a year and let it decay slower and at a cooler temperature, just in case the bones were not solidly ossified. If the bones are heated too much during the decay process, they will become brittle.
I am hoping to have this whale on display at the Royal BC Museum in the future – it will depend on how nicely the bones turn out at the end of the process. As far as research is concerned, it will be fine as a representative of the species, but for display, we want it to be perfect. Stay tuned.
Once we were done, our raingear was power-washed. Then I ate a few cookies and had some coffee, and Ken and I drove to Parksville. My Mom had dinner ready for us (you guessed it, stew). Then after dinner I drove back to Victoria – arriving home at 11:30 PM. That was a long day, but at least the Crosstrek I rented was fun to drive, and that kept me awake.
Someone on the team mentioned that volunteers commonly help with one whale – then never return. So I’ll end this with a quote from a popular movie personality.
The Muirhead brothers, Charles H. and Lewis P., were born in Scotland in the 1870’s. By 1893 they had arrived in North America. They took up photography and established their partnership, called Muirhead Bros., in 1896 in Sidney BC.
By this time the Klondike gold rush had started. It spread to Atlin in 1898 and shortly thereafter, the Muirheads followed the money. Between 1901 and 1903 they took a lot of photos of mining activities in the area and also documented the non-mining people and activities.
At the BC Archives, we have two Muirhead Bros. photo albums with the title “Views of Atlin, BC”. They were probably created as a commercial souvenir and many of the mounted photographs within have dates and captions. These albums have been described as PR-0507 and can be viewed in the Archives reference room. Some loose copies of prints came in with the albums and I have chosen some to highlight.
Today the theme is gold nuggets!
This photo is called “All from Willow Creek” and is dated 1901.
PR-0507 (198205-002) container 000736-0001 Muirhead Brothers Photographers fonds.
Recent range records for British Columbia’s marine fishes were based on deep-water surveys, from fisheries observers and the commercial fishery, but it is unlikely that these fishes represent northward movement due to warming climate. Deep-water fishes were captured in samples ranging deeper than 1000 m where temperatures remain cold.
In contrast, the RBCM just received two warm-water fishes – a Finescale Triggerfish (Balistes polylepis) and Louvar (Luvarus imperialis). These two species are known to range north in the eastern North Pacific Ocean during El Nino events and other warm periods, with the Triggerfish straying as far north as Metlakatla, Alaska. My predecessor, Alex Peden found Louvar in Washington, just short of the Canadian Exclusive Economic Zone and suggested that Louvar should stray into Canadian territory. Neither species has been found in BC until now, even though Brian Coad of the Canadian Museum of Nature suggested Louvar are known from British Columbia.
In 2013, Eastern North Pacific surface water started warming and since then, conditions remain significantly warmer during seasonal cycles than during the last few decades according to Richard Dewey, Oceans Network Canada. By autumn 2014 this warm surface water shifted eastward, and into 2015, the entire west coast of North America remained unusually warm. While surface waters of the eastern North Pacific warm when coastal upwelling is weak or delayed, storm-mixing of surface waters is reduced, and the California Current weakens during El Niño events, Richard Dewey suggests this 2013-2015 thermal anomaly along the North American coast represents a new pattern, not related to El Niño/La Niña cycles. Temperature increases like those observed since 2013 along the North American Pacific coast should allow southern species to move north either through simple dispersal or changed larval survival and recruitment.
As a result of this warming water, we now have specimens of Finescale Triggerfish and Louvar in British Columbia, with both found in the autumn of 2014. They now leave me wondering what’s next? I am hoping for Angel Sharks and Leopard Sharks.
Coad BW, H. Waszczuk H, Labignan I. 1995. Encyclopedia of Canadian fishes. Canadian Museum of Nature, Canadian Sportfishing Productions Inc., Waterdown, Ontario. 928 p.
Dewey R. 2015. Warm North East Pacific Ocean Conditions Continue into 2015. Ocean Networks Canada e-Newsletter. <http://www.oceannetworks.ca/warm-north-east-pacific-ocean-conditions-continue-2015>
Hanke GF, Roias SM. 2012. First specimens of the marine eels Venefica ocella and V. tentaculata (Nettastomatidae) from British Columbia. Canadian Field-Naturalist 126:210–216.
Hanke GF, Gillespie G, Fong K, Boutillier J, Peden AE, Bedard JM. 2014. New records of spiny eels (Albuliformes), true eels (Anguilliformes), and bobtail eels (Saccopharyngiformes) in British Columbia, Canada. Northwestern Naturalist 95:67–76.
Hart JL. 1973. Pacific fishes of Canada. Fisheries Research Board of Canada Bulletin No. 80. 740 p.
Lamb A, Edgell P. 2010. Coastal Fishes of the Pacific Northwest. Harbour Publishing Co. Ltd., Madeira Park, B.C. 335 p.
Love MS. 2011. Certainly more than you want to know about the fishes of the Pacific coast: a postmodern experience. Really Big Press, Santa Barbara. 645 p.
Love MS, Mecklenburg CW, Mecklenburg TA, Thorsteinson LK. 2005. Resource Inventory of Marine and Estuarine Fishes of the West Coast and Alaska: A Checklist of North Pacific and Arctic Ocean Species from Baja California to the Alaska–Yukon Border. Seattle, WA: US Department of the Interior, US Geological Survey, Biological Resources Division, OCS Study MMS 2005-030 and USGS/NBII 2005-001. 288 p.
Mecklenburg CW, Mecklenburg TA, Thorsteinson LK. 2002. Fishes of Alaska. American Fisheries Society Publication, Bethesda, MD. 1116 p.
Peden AE, Jamieson GS. 1988. New distributional records of marine fishes off Washington, British Columbia and Alaska. Canadian Field-Naturalist 102:491–494.
Most British Columbians have heard of Bill Miner the train robber, but how about his accomplice Shorty Dunn?
Dunn’s real name was John William Grell and he was known as Billy Grell, Billy Dunn and Shorty Dunn.
George Winkler was friends with Shorty when they both lived in the Princeton area and while Shorty was in the BC Penitentiary, from 1906 to 1918, he and Winkler wrote to each other regularly. Winkler made several efforts over the years to have Shorty released on parole. He wrote to Ottawa, to the Warden at the penitentiary and to mutual friends to try to raise interest in Shorty’s release. When Shorty was released on parole in 1918, he and Winkler continued to correspond and in 1927 Winkler was notified of Shorty’s death by drowning.
Winkler kept Shorty’s letters in several parcels, along with cartoons and drawings that Shorty sent him. He also kept clippings in his “book of crimes” scrapbook on Bill Miner and Shorty. In 1923 he was interviewed by the Victoria Colonist and he provided the letters and drawings to present Shorty’s story.
I found it very moving to open the parcel of letters and to think that I may be the first person to read them since 1923. Shorty was a good writer and it’s clear that he suffered terribly during his 12 years in prison.
Page from “Book of Crimes” container 891390-0001, folder 16
The following letters all from container 891390-0001, folder 15
Draft of letter from GEW to Shorty Dunn, December, 1908
Letter from Warden Brown to GEW, re chance of appeal, 1909
Letter from Ottawa to GEW, re Shorty’s health, 1912
Letter from Shorty to GEW, with accompanying cartoon, July 1914
If you want to read the whole story about Bill Miner, Shorty and the famous train robbery, try Peter Grauer’s book “Interred with their bones”.
George Winkler lived in Victoria on and off throughout his life and often maintained an office here to run his various mining concerns.
“Sayward Bldg. room 412, Neil McGillivray on left” Winkler on right. In container 000491-0002, folder 4
He had many interests beyond mining. He was a socialist and ran in Comox for a provincial seat in the 1916 election. He was a published poet who often had his poems printed in the local newspaper. Here is a 1941 poem dedicated to John Dean on his birthday. Winkler kept a copy in his scrapbook and noted the printing errors.
Poem to John Dean 1941. In container 891390-0001, folder 15
He was also on friendly terms with Nellie McClung. Winkler’s people lived in Treherne in Manitoba and knew the McClung family. Here is a letter from 1935 when Nellie and Winkler were both living in Victoria. It sounds as though she had recently been in contact with Winkler’s sister Grace.
Letter from Nellie McClung, June 1935. In container 891390-0003, folder 22
He was also interested in bringing together art and scientific knowledge. In 1939 Winkler wrote to Walt Disney Productions to complement them on the release of “Snow White” and to suggest a new idea for a movie. This reply from Jane Clark at Walt Disney Productions shows the beautiful stationary the company was using at the time.
Letter from Disney, February 1939. In container 891390-0003, folder 22
There is an interesting print of George Winkler among his photographs in accession 197908-016. This particular photograph was taken by Miss M. [Mary] Spencer of Kamloops in 1906 and shows Winkler (back left) and three other men. What were they commemorating?
There are two copies of this print. Winkler wrote “Jail Birds 1907” [sic] on one, and “taken at Kamloops on release from gaol” on the other. It is usual to have a formal portrait taken after release from jail? What were they in for?
Taken at Kamloops on release from gaol. In container 000491-0001, folder 16
The explanation for the photograph showed up in Winkler’s files in accession 89-1390. Winkler kept a scrapbook which he called his “book of crimes”. Here he pasted in newspaper clippings covering his activities in March and April 1906. While living in Penticton, Winkler and a group of local men took it upon themselves to expel 10 Chinese workers from town. It was a labour issue; W.T. Shatford, local M.P.P. and managing director of the Southern Okanagan Land Company had brought in the Chinese workers. Winkler, a socialist, took exception to importing foreign workers to work locally at a lower rate. Along with a group of Penticton residents, he escorted the Chinese men to the lake steamer and paid their boat tickets out of town. A police constable was apparently there but was unable to convince the residents to desist. The ringleaders were arrested and a magistrate led trial was held. They were offered the choice of a $25 fine or 30 days in the Kamloops jail.
Two of the men charged paid the fine and in fact the residents had a whip round to raise the funds to cover all the fines; however Winkler and three of his cohorts choice to go to jail to make their point.
When they got out of jail in Kamloops, they had their portrait taken to commemorate the event.
Book of Crimes. In container 891390-0001 folder 16
Incidentally, a month after she took the photograph of George Winkler and his friends, Mary Spencer photographed the more famous train robbers Bill Miner, Shorty Dunn and Louis Colquhoun.
The Kamloops Museum and Archives are currently showing an exhibit of Mary Spencer’s photographs from now until June, see http://www.kamloops.ca/museum/index.shtml
Last week I was treated to a day of paintings conservation. I’m actually trained as an objects conservator, which means that I am qualified to work on almost anything EXCEPT paintings. In truth, there are many things that I have little to no expertise conserving, including architecture, paper and photographs, digital media, and so on. I have, however, worked on a variety of strange and wonderful objects ranging from shipwreck nails to stone sculpture to broken natural history specimens. Most objects conservators thrive on variety.
There is no paintings conservator on staff at the Royal BC Museum, mainly owing to the fact that we have a comparatively small collection of paintings. When there is paintings conservation work to be done, a highly respected and dependable local contract conservator does the work for us. The recent work was in preparation for our upcoming Gold Rush exhibition, due to open on May 13th. We plan to display a very large painting, affectionately nicknamed “Slim Jim”, but actually titled “The Parson Takes the Pot”, created by Rowland Lee, which measures almost 2 x 3 meters (much larger if you include its very ornate frame!). The logistics of moving, hanging, and protecting such a large picture is another story. At this point in time, it was felt that the varnish on the painting had yellowed and turned a bit milky over the years, obscuring the vibrant colours of the paint beneath. Investigation by the paintings conservator concluded that the varnish had not discoloured, but was actually a modern varnish applied in 1978 by the Canadian Conservation Institute in Ottawa. The problem was actually a layer of dust and nicotine adhering to the surface. Sometime between 1978 and now, the painting was hung in the office of a smoker. That will do it!
Our contract conservator had little time to spend on the painting, and the exhibition deadline is looming, so I offered to work alongside the paintings conservator, using the hand skills I learned while working on objects, and taking direction from the expert. This way we could finish the cleaning in half the time. It worked out wonderfully. The layer of dust and nicotine was removed with a gentle solvent applied by cotton swab, and rinsed with distilled water. The difference was immediately obvious, as the colours burst forth under our swabs and the actual extent of masking became evident. This is something every conservator appreciates; strikingly different before and after treatment photographs. After only about 6 hours of tandem cleaning, the painting now literally shines and the depth of colour is gratifying. My first foray into paintings conservation was a success!
If you visit Cranbrook BC you might come across a statue of an elephant. In 1926 an elephant called Charlie Ed escaped from the circus and went on the lam for a few weeks. When he was eventually recaptured, he was renamed Cranbrook Ed to commemorate his time there.
In George Winkler’s photo album from 1925 to 1939, there are two pictures of Cranbrook Ed being loaded onto a train. Winkler identified them simply as “Cranbrook Ed re-captured”. This album is part of accession 197908-016 and is stored in container 000491-0002.
He also kept copies of these prints amongst some of his loose photographs identified as: “Elephant that escaped from circus at Cranbrook – 1926 – recaptured” (BC Archives photo I-30605) and “Last view Cranbrook had of recaptured elephant – 1926” (BC Archives photo I-30606). These prints are in container 000491-0001, folder 13.
Did Winkler take these photographs or were they popular prints available for sale? They match the other prints in his album in shape and size so it’s likely that he did take them. Lucky for us that he was in Cranbrook at the time of the elephant capture, and that he had a camera with him.
You can visit the Cranbrook city website at http://cranbrook.ca/our-city/history/interesting-stories/ to see a picture of the statue and read the story of Cranbrook Ed the elephant.
On Family Day (February 9th, 2015) I received two hatchling Red-eared Sliders. These turtles are just like any other hatchling red-ears except for one thing. They hatched in British Columbia, and came from the first nest known to have survived our cooler coastal climate. These turtles are native to the south-eastern United States, and range south into Central and South America, and have been spread far and wide because of the food and pet trade, including Washington. They are scattered all over south-western BC and the Okanagan.
Several nests have been known to survive to near hatching, but our winters prevented survival of hatchlings – yes even the mild winters of south-western British Columbia are too cool – or so we hoped – for Red-eared Slider reproduction. Back in January 2014, researchers with the Coastal Painted Turtle Project discovered nests of the non-native red-eared slider and suggested that this species should be able to breed here in BC. Their excavations of known red-ear nests showed that red-ears are fully developed, but they are hibernating and could emerge in spring if they have enough energy stores for a prolonged hibernation period.
One year later – a different nest – and six live hatchlings were found near Painted Turtle nests that were being regularly monitored by staff at Riefel Island Bird Sanctuary, Delta. This is the first record of fully hatched, viable red-eared Sliders in British Columbia. Until now, populations were maintained by a continual stream of abandoned pets. This nest had been opened by Sandhill Cranes. The cranes eat eggs, but left these hatchlings.
I am keeping only two to show to the public, namely, 4 and 6 – they will be named accordingly – just like Humanoid Cylons. I’ll post updates to their progress over the years. Three and Five showed strange vertebral scutes and this sort of malformed shell is not uncommon in the pet trade animals. I asked for 4 and 6 because they were decent looking well-proportioned animals. I’ll be curious to see if they are the same sex – sex is determined by nest temperature. Eggs incubated at low temperatures (22-27°C) produce males, warmer nests produce females – to a point – over heat a nest and it produces no turtles. One, Two, Three, and Five will be humanely euthanized and added to the Royal BC Museum research collection.
Nest temperature may be our only saving grace now that these turtles are reproducing here. If British Columbia nests produce all male hatchlings, then eventually the population will fail as sex ratios become too biased. I see very few males in wild populations. I have always assumed this is due to the large size of females, and that people prefer turtles that stay small. Large turtles are far more work (water changes, filter maintenance), and so they get abandoned in ponds, streams and lakes far more often than smaller turtles. But if males are produced by cooler nests, then we may have a population boom until all the abandoned females die of old age (or are removed).
In the meantime, we have to feel sorry for all the Western Painted Turtles in British Columbia – they are our only native freshwater turtle, and will have to coexist and compete with Red-eared Sliders for aquatic habitat and nest sites. With all the development in south-western BC, the last thing a Painted Turtle needs is more competition for their place in the sun.
In the fall of 2014 I had a lot of fun processing the records of George E. Winkler, the poet prospector of British Columbia.
The fonds are described as PR-0045, and consist of records from two separate accessions. One accession came to us in 1979 from George Winkler himself through his will. The other accession came a few years later from Winkler’s great friend Hartley Sargent, Chief Mining Engineer for the province.
Winkler died in 1978 at the age of 103 and he spent his long life involved in the mining industry in a variety of ways. He was a prospector who also managed several mining concerns on Vancouver Island and in Northern BC; he published poetry under the pseudonyms “The Prospector” and “Ernest Altrew”; he was a Socialist who unsuccessfully ran for office in 1916, and he knew some of BC’s famous and infamous people.
Born in Ontario in 1875, he grew up in Manitoba but came to BC to find his fortune around 1900 and never left.
Here’s a portrait of Winkler taken around 1908 in Victoria by Gibson Studio. He probably had it taken to send back to his mother in Manitoba. They wrote to each other regularly until she died. This photo is in container 000491-001, folder 16.
I regularly get asked if we go out and actively kill animals for the Royal BC Museum collection. The answer is yes – but only specific groups are sampled regularly. Generally I only catch fishes, anaesthetize them, and fix/preserve them for the research collection. Birds, mammals, reptiles and amphibians generally are found as incidental items – window kills, road kills, natural mortality (like marine mammals and sea turtles), or bycatch from commercial harvests.
We also get bycatch from other sampling techniques – pitfall traps for insect sampling commonly also provide the vertebrate collection with a few salamanders a year.
This Valentine’s Day we had an event at the museum. Animal Sex and people could chat with experts on the topic… and the questions as you’d expect were hilarious – but in addition to more racy intercourse, many people wanted to know whether I go out and kill animals for research. That prompted this short note.
The answer is yes – but it is very rare that I go out to catch and kill wildlife. Instead, I rely on other sources for the majority of mammals, birds, amphibians and reptiles. For example, the day after Valentines (a Sunday) I picked up a road-killed Peregrine Falcon from near Duncan.
The bird had been found by a high-school teacher back in December, and he saved for bird for the museum. The bird was in great shape. We don’t get Peregrine Falcons every day (thankfully), and I certainly could not justify shooting one just to stuff it and put it away for future study. This bird was found by the roadside and adds to the falcons in our collection. This bird will be prepared as a partial skeleton, a spread wing (detached from the bird) and a study skin, and will be available hundreds of years from now for scientific study.
Researchers use study skins in a variety of ways, from genetic research to assessment of colour variation in a species. These photos were taken during a workshop where researchers verified sub-species variation and plumage patterns as you’d find in field books.
This is a great example of citizen science – and I thank everyone who remembers to save specimens for the RBCM – we even want specimens that represent common species. I am happy to get new specimens as long as they are in good shape, and you record the location, date, and time the animal was collected.
Honest, I am listening intently in this photo – and not thinking about other birds.
I recently came across a folder of photographs in one of our “miscellaneous” accessions. Although the accession was created in 1991, we had probably had the material for many years without knowing quite how and when we acquired it.
The folder contains photographs of Fanny Buckthought Morse and her husband Arthur Cromar Bruce as well as a photograph of the Women’s Volunteer Reserve that Fanny served in.
Using the online Vital Event registration indexes, I’ve been able to track down their marriage registration as well as Fanny’s death registration and it’s interesting how much information you can glean from these records:
They were married in Vancouver in November 1916. Arthur is listed as being born in Aberdeen, Scotland, was a 28 year old bachelor living in Vancouver and his profession was journalist. Fanny was born in Bournemouth, England, was listed as a 30 year old spinster and her profession was also journalist. Her death registration from December 29th, 1961 has her living in the Nanaimo area but gives her birthdate as February 8, 1884 which means she was actually 32 at the time of her marriage.
From 199105-003 (miscellaneous accession), container 001239-0001, file 13:
“Mother, Fanny Cromar Bruce (nee Morse) camping Horseshoe Bay”
“1914-18 Women’s Volunteer Reserve (FCB not present owing to duty on News-Advertiser) steps of Aberdeen School, Vancouver”
According to the stamp on the back, this photograph was reprinted by Vancouver Drug Co. Ltd., May 9, 1939. Fanny’s son or daughter wrote the notes on the back of the photographs.
There’s quite a variation in the women’s uniforms, I wonder if they had to supply their own?
Yesterday (Monday January 19), I was pulling out specimens of Weather Loaches for a presentation I will give in Richmond later in the week in invasive species. In the adjacent tub of unsorted fishes was a jar with a sizable fish (152 mm Standard Length, 177 mm Total Length), and its label said, “Unknown Fish”. Once again I heard Lando Calrissian: “Hello, what have we here?”
It didn’t take long to figure out what species we had. The fish had an adipose fin, a smelt-like deep and compressed body, and a sharp nose with a small mouth. It also was well-preserved – that makes a huge difference. This new fish is a Pacific Argentine – Argentina sialis. According to the Love et al. (2005), and Eschmeyer et al. (1983), this species ranges in the eastern North Pacific from Baja to offshore of the mouth of the Columbia River, and south of the equator to northern Peru. Our new location is roughly 350 km north of the mouth of the Columbia River.
Peden (2002) is the most recent checklist specific to British Columbia, and his list does not include this species (nor it’s family, Argentinidae). Chalk up another new marine fish for our fauna. Is it a case of northward expansion due to climate change? Time will tell – right now we only have one fish from southern BC from 2011. One fish does not make a trend. However, if more appear – then we’ll have a better argument for warming water and northward dispersal of marine fishes. Maybe the Leopard Shark will be next (fingers crossed).
Argentina has it root in argentus (silver), and the species name sialis may refer to the snout of this fish and its resemblance to a birds beak. Although perhaps the type specimen had a blue tint due to refraction off its skin and scales and reminded Gilbert (1890) of the Eastern Bluebird (Sialia sialis).
At its very simplest, a biological specimen in a museum collection is one representative of a species from a specific time and place. Some may say, “Who cares, you’ve seen one Leopard Frog, you’ve seen ’em all”.
Did you see a male? Female? Young? Old? Abnormal? What did it eat? Was it gravid? What diseases or parasites were present? Was it from within its normal range or was it in a new location? Every specimen is different. Every specimen is worth keeping – not just for present-day research – but because each specimen represents a time capsule of biological information. We always save specimens in museum collections precisely because biological specimens are unique. In some cases, species represented in museum collections have vanished from BC. There are very few breeding Leopard Frogs in BC – perhaps like the Sage Grouse, British Columbia’s Leopard Frogs will become extirpated. That’s beyond sad.
But in this era – the Econocene – where we seem to frame decisions on the almighty dollar – what is the value of a specimen? Can you put a dollar value on a dead animal? To break it down to the basics, you have to consider what it would cost to go out and collect a new animal for research. You may also reflect on whether you should kill another animal given present rates of habitat destruction and population declines.
Consider just vehicle rental, fuel, ferry to the mainland (since this institution is on an island), permits, field gear, food for the field crew, and salaries – and if you work it out – each museum specimen at the time of collection is worth hundreds to thousands of dollars depending on where you sampled. You’d think entomology may be the exception because they can dilute the cost per specimen by taking thousands of specimens per field trip – but this is not the case. To paraphrase Claudia Copley:
The true cost to send 3 people into the field and do the work is like that of any other collecting trip (we just happen to be 2/3 volunteers). Although thousands of specimens may be brought back, the real cost emerges during identification. A researcher may charge an hourly rate for identifications, and it sometimes takes a few hours to identify a specimen. In the end, a specimen identified to species in an entomology collection probably ends up having a similar value as a vertebrate specimen.
Entomologists collect thousands of specimens because many cannot be identified in the field, and a large sample is needed to encompass the diversity that is present.
Furthermore, costs always rise (although the price of oil has experienced a hiccup lately). As Lando Calrissian said, “This deal is getting worse all the time”.
Imagine the escalation of costs if you needed to build a time machine – yea – obviously I am doing my usual trick of “one step too far” with this argument. But this is to demonstrate that you can’t slap a price tag on historical specimens like you can with a recently manufactured wrench, or a pair of socks at a department store. There is no amount of money that can send you back in time to sample Leopard Frogs from the 1800s. If we don’t save biological specimens – and properly care for them in museum collections – historical biology will go extinct.
This thought hit-home yesterday (January 15th, 2015) when a researcher from the University of Victoria was here looking at mammals in our collection. She wanted to see what was available in the collection just in case she had the chance to expand her work beyond Alberta’s borders. Fortunately, we have loads of Fishers in the collection (the mustelid, not people with fishing rods – although we do have historic fishing rods). If the museum had not saved specimens (skins and skeletons, and in some cases, tissue samples), she’d have to request tens-of-thousands of dollars more in future research grants, and spend many long hours in the field (actually this part sounds nice), to get enough samples from BC for her work.
Another researcher came to us for tissue samples of Wolverines – and especially samples from Vancouver Island. Without museum specimens, his work would not be possible. Wolverines are extirpated from Vancouver Island.
These are two examples where the foresight of museum experts from over 100 years ago, have ensured that research today is cost effective (and possible). Yes museums spend money maintaining their collections, but can you really put a dollar value on knowledge and scientific advancement? Can you put a dollar value on the snoot-value (prestige) of being the one place in the world where you can study Dawson’s Caribou? How about the value of a bee? Its value as a museum specimen notwithstanding, as a pollinator, bees more precious than gold. You don’t want a world without bees.
Regardless of your interests, you have to agree that museums are unique and worthy of support – financial support. It doesn’t matter whether you want to study Eocene leaves, a Mosquito (the airplane or the insect), or the diet of Cutthroat Trout from the 1930s, collection and maintenance of specimens is costly. Only at a museum can you touch these objects from the past – and in this respect, museums are the cheapest time machine money can buy.
On January 23rd, I will be presenting at a workshop on invasive species – and the fish I am showcasing is the Weather Loach (Misgurnus anguillicaudatus). Weather Loaches are related to minnows and suckers, but most will agree that they look more eel-like with their elongated bodies. There are other types of loaches, the most commonly seen in the pet trade are the Botia species and of course the Kuhli Loach. They all have a fringe of barbels around their mouths – not unlike that of like catfishes.
Most loach species in the pet trade are tropical and pose little threat to our waterways, however, European and North Asian loach species can tolerate cool water and will survive here if released.
Weather Loaches are popular aquarium pets and also are cultured for food by some people. They are known to have survived in garden ponds in Canada, and escapees have established populations in streams in Washington. Others have escaped from commercial fish farms and have established breeding populations in many countries. Some countries now have banned Weather Loaches because of the risk to aquatic ecosystems – permits are needed to keep a related species (Misgurnus fossilis) in England. If only we could be so proactive regarding high-risk exotic species in the pet trade.
Weather Loaches are unique among BC fishes since they are superficially eel-like in shape, but have barbels like a catfish. The body, which can reach 24 cm in length, is oval to almost square in cross section, and is golden-yellow with various amounts of darker brown mottling. Sometimes the mottled pattern coalesces into weakly defined stripes. Body scales are minute and embedded in thick skin. The head terminates in a small, almost tubular mouth that is surrounded by a fringe of 10 fine barbels. The eyes are small relative to the head, and a blade-like spine (which normally is retracted) is present just below the eye. This spine is sharp and may be extended for defense when loaches are captured by predators (or fish enthusiasts).
Weather Loaches eat aquatic insect (chironomid) larvae, worms, molluscs, amphipods, and cladocera (nicknamed “water fleas”), and live in shallows of lakes, ponds, rivers, and swamps. They usually are collected over softer substrates like sand, silt, and mud in slow-flowing water. They use leaf litter and aquatic or emergent vegetation as cover, and will lie stationary with only the head protruding from shelter. Weather Loaches “comb” the river or lake bed for edible material and expel silt and mud out of their gills. The barbels taste the food hidden in the muck.
Weather Loaches are active at night, tolerate cold water, and survive in low oxygen conditions by swallowing air from the surface. The ingested air is forced through the gut. Oxygen is absorbed through the intestine lining, and bubbles of remaining air and carbon dioxide are passed out the anus. The excess gas is forced out when the fish flexes its body in a tight curve. They also can breathe through their skin.
Weather Loaches are found from eastern Asia, from the Tugur, and Amur rivers, Sakhalin Island, and south to Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam, Thailand, and Burma. They also are known from introduced populations in the Philippines, Mexico, Australia, Palau, and isolated ponds in Germany, Italy, the Aral Sea basin, and England. Populations of Weather Loaches also are established in Tennessee, Florida, Michigan, Illinois, California, Oregon, Idaho, and Hawai’i.
Weather Loaches were found in the summer of 2008 in the Alouette River system on the Lower Mainland, although rumours of their presence near Chilliwack date back to 2003. In 2009, 2 were caught, and in 2010, 22 were caught, with fishes ranging from 123 mm to 205 mm in length. The size range of fishes caught in the Alouette River system suggests that several age classes of Weather Loach are here and they may already be breeding in British Columbia. It is likely that the species will spread in the sluggish streams of the lower mainland in British Columbia. In Washington, most specimens are from independent releases of one or only a few fishes and they fail to establish breeding populations (e.g., Jovita Creek, and Tulalip Creek), but unfortunately, several specimens now are known from Lake Washington and its tributaries and so it is likely that a breeding population exists there.
Weather Loaches spawn in spring on silt to mud substrates and in beds of aquatic vegetation. Males and females swim around the fertilised egg mass until it is covered with a layer of silt, and then abandon the site. Eggs hatch in a few weeks and the young loaches bury in the muddy substrate.
Weather Loaches are able to move across land during wet conditions and so could transfer between headwaters of closely-spaced drainage basins. Because of their cold water tolerance, Weather Loaches commonly are sold as scavengers for goldfish tanks (marketed as Weather Loaches, Dojo Loaches, and Golden Dojo Loaches). Any Weather Loaches in North America should stay in captivity as long as they are alive, and given their ability to move across land, should never be kept in garden ponds. The source of Weather Loaches in British Columbia is unknown. They may have been released here in an attempt to produce a local population for harvest, either for bait or human consumption. While the fish themselves may seem innocuous, they are known to carry Birnavirus (LV1), which is related to pancreatic necrosis in salmonids, and they carry parasites which could survive and transfer to native fishes. Please think before releasing any fish from captivity – and then take your fish back to a pet shop. In doing so, you’ll be protecting BC’s native flora and fauna.
Doing some last minute shopping on Christmas Eve? If you were in Ocean Falls in 1963, you would probably visit the Hudson’s Bay Company store. There you would find delicious Christmassy food, stop by the drugstore to buy a ponytail extension and then visit Toyland for the kiddies. These photographs are from MS-2173, “A History of Ocean Falls in pictures”
Maybe you’ve got some activities planned with the children…you can make a snowman and attend a Christmas party at the school. These photographs are from the Harry Jomini fonds, PR-2291. They show the temporary camp at Nechako which was built to house the Kenney Dam workers and their families between 1951 and 1954.
Speaking of snowmen, here are some snow sculptures from Winterfest in Kimberley, BC. You can see that the Kimberley people also had the choice of shopping at Eaton’s (remember Eaton’s?). These photographs were taken by a BC Government photographer for Beautiful British Columbia magazine in 1976 and are part of GR-3265.
I-08424 and I-08425
And sometimes just getting together for drinks is celebration enough. This photograph is from 1903 and was taken at Deep Lead Camp, Slough Creek in the Cariboo district
The staff at the BC Archives has always appreciated the kindness of our regular researchers when they remember us at Christmas. Over the years we have received many good wishes in cards, which we display in our break room over the holiday season.
But I think the most unusual card came to us from G.S. Andrews. Gerald Smedley Andrews was the Surveyor-General of British Columbia and a long time user and supporter of the Provincial Archives. We are lucky enough to have his private records, described as PR-1059, which consists of 6.4 m of textual records and other material.
In 1960, Gerry created the following card.
The front of the card is very restrained and elegant.
The inside contains a drawing of the Parliament Buildings done in his best “surveyor” style, and a message to the staff.
The back of the card contains the footnotes!
This card, and others, are part of accession 92-0334.
It’s one thing to build a bridge, but once it’s on the books, it needs to be maintained, refurbished, repaired and generally kept safe.
Maintenance is one of the most importance functions of any Public Works or Engineering Dept., because a collapse can be disastrous.
The Chilcotin suspension bridge was built ca. 1913 and a mere twelve years later, this paragraph appeared in the Public Works report for 1925, district no. 9, 150 Mile House:
“The most important bridgework was the repairs to the Chilcotin Suspension Bridge. The 2 ½ inch main cables on the 320-foot suspension span was shortened to give camber and rigidity to the deck. A new deck and hand-rail truss were put on, also guy-cables, all without closing the bridge to traffic. This bridge, which has been undergoing a series of extensive repairs during the past four years, is now in first-class condition. E.S. Jones, district engineer.”
Here are some photographs of the Chilcotin suspension bridge from GR-3293, file AAAE2160, stored in container 000705-0013. The file contains photographs taken between 1922 and 1926.
File 239 Lillooet dist. Chicotin suspension bridge 17/9/24 main cables have been shortened and lightened…inverted cable slack and counterweight boxes dismantled.
42-2-1.5 Chilcotin suspension bridge re-construction completed 8-12-24.
In my previous blog article on the Humpback Whale from Tofino, I mentioned that the whale’s skeleton was cleaned with a combination of mechanical removal of meat, and then it matured in a mixture of soil and aged manure.
A few weeks ago I found a perfect skull in one of my garden compost bins. It came from one of the Norway Rats that I caught this summer. I actually set a mine-field of rat traps in the compost to get those few rats that try to raid the bin for kitchen scraps. If they set off one trap, they generally jump land on another trap. People say not to throw meat in a compost, but we don’t notice any smell from few rats we toss in the compost each year.
Compost – who knew it was so versatile. It fertilizes your garden, but it can help you prepare skeletons.
There are a few animal skeletons you probably can possess without a wildlife permit – Grey Squirrels and Norway Rats, Rock Pigeons and perhaps deceased pets (Gerbils, Hamsters, etc.). If you want to prepare skeletons it’s a fairly simple process.
Let’s assume you are preparing a Grey Squirrel. It is messy at first. You skin it, and remove most of the meat (and guts). Don’t bother trying to remove the brains – they’ll rot away. Make a long flat bag out of standard window screen (or some finer mesh) – and staple that around the stripped carcass so that the bones will be held in place once the connective tissue is gone. The screen also prevents scavengers from scattering bones.
Let it sit for a few months. If that tray with the carcass/manure mix is on top of the contents of your compost bin, it should keep the temperature and humidity just right. Check periodically to make sure the soil is fairly damp.
Ages ago I bragged to a colleague about my wonderful technique for rotting carcasses and reconstruction of nice clean skeletal material. He gave me a sideways glance and said, “where do you think fossils come from”. Yep, I have to admit that the technique is nothing new. Here are naturally prepped fishes from the Early Devonian – only the mineralised bits remain.
After a month or two you should end up with a clean skeleton that smells like soil. The time required is directly dependent on temperature, humidity and the amount of meat you left on the animal. The skeleton won’t be perfectly white – but the screen bag should contain all the small bones roughly in sequence. Now you carefully cut the bag a bit at a time (I’d suggest starting with the extremities and work inwards) and you can carefully sort the bones as you encounter them to make an accurate reconstruction. Set out the bones in sequence on paper towels and let the bones dry.
Some people use peroxide or chlorine bleach to whiten bones, but I don’t. Bones will deteriorate faster if bleached.
I use standard white wood glue to reassemble the skeleton. If you get something wrong, wood glue can be soaked in warm water and removed. Plasticene or silly-putty can be used to hold bones in position while the glue sets. This is a long-term project – not a snap-together kit. Glue a few bones together – wait a day for the glue to set. And repeat until the skeleton is assembled. You only need enough glue to bridge joints. Remove any excess glue so there are no drips.
Once the skull or skeleton is complete, give it a spray with a 5 to 10% solution of white glue in water to seal the bones and prevent drying and cracking. This top-coat of dilute glue was an exaptation from my model railroading hobby (yes, I can tie skeletal preparation to one of my many hobbies). In model railroading, you spray dilute glue onto the scenery to keep bushes etc., in place. Here’s an example of exceptional railroad scenery where a miss-timed sneeze could destroy a forest (if things were not fixed in place).
Some people ask why I don’t use beetles or ants to clean display skeletons. Simply put, insects can scatter the smaller bones. Beetles are fine for museum specimens where the skeleton will be stored as disarticulated bones. But if you want to reconstruct the skeleton, you want to know where each tiny bone originated.
You can also soak a mostly-cleaned carcass in a water-filled aquarium and let the bones rot until clean [don’t put bones in an aquarium containing fish or any other aquatic pets]. To do this, you also put the carcass in a mesh bag, and then weigh it down. Sometimes the gas produced will cause a carcass to float – and then any bones will be displaced and you’ll have to search for them. It also will be very difficult to reassign finger bones (phalanges) to their correct position. The downside to this technique is the smell, and while an aquarium filter can reduce the odour, eventually you will have to pick bones from the stinky pink sludge which accumulates on the bottom of the aquarium. These bones can be rinsed in freshwater and then left to dry – and eventually the smell is not so noticeable.
The skulls below (Cuban Anole, Red-footed Tortoise and Spectacled Caiman) were prepared in an aquarium – any loose bits were glued back together. They did turn out really nice, but you do need to be prepared for the smell. The Anole skull fell completely apart and had to be glued back together: there were 6 bones just for the jaws, and you have to position the bones of the palate relative to the rest of the skull – it is quite a 3D puzzle.
I don’t know of a step-by-step instruction manual to reconstructing skeletons – they are not model kits after all – so you do have to do some research into anatomy and figure out how all the parts fit together. The up-side to assembling a fully disarticulated rat skeleton is that you can position your newly cleaned rat in a dynamic pose – climbing, running, or working a computer’s mouse…
Has it snowed in Vanderhoof yet? Has the snow plough been spotted clearing the roads?
Here are some charming action photographs from GR-3293, Engineering photographs. They are in container 000705-0014, file AAAE3585.
Although this series of photographs tends to focus on the building of bridges and roads in the province, it also shows the routine seasonal chores undertaken by the Public Works Dept.
87-1-3 Vanderhoof snow plough 1933
The ocean is renowned for its spectacular diversity: endless shapes, brilliant colours, extraordinary species and some of the most magnificent habitats on the planet – indeed, the ocean supports a great diversity of life and ecosystems. While much of this richness lies beneath the surface of the sea, sometimes (on rare and special occasions) we get to experience these hidden treasures first-hand.
This past month, the Royal BC Museum and the Victoria Natural History Society co-hosted a public beach seine. More than 100 people, including several members of the Canadian Network for Ocean Education (CaNOE), turned out on a dark November night to participate in the “in-seine” event.
The plan was to seine over a nearby eelgrass bed, catching as many species of squishy (invertebrates) and fishy (fishes) as possible. Unfortunately for our beach seiners, a large amount of sea lettuce was present near shore, resulting in a very large shrimp-fish salad. Not to be deterred by a bit of leafy green, we carefully sifted through the seaweed, discovering a variety of fascinating animals, from tiny amphipods and shrimps to large dungeness crabs, gunnels, and starry flounders. We explored, we learned, we connected. It was in-seine-ly fun!
Huge thank you to Chris O’Connor and Gavin Hanke for help with organizing the event, Gavin Hanke and David Robichaud for braving cold November water, Nikki Wright for highlighting the importance of eelgrass beds, Yogi Carolsfeld, Phil Lambert, and Marilyn Lambert for sharing their expertise and passion for marine critters, Aerin Jacob for giving a positive shout out, Heather Murray for photocapturing the in-seine diversity and fun, and the avid natural historians who turned out to participate in the event.
Sometimes an explanation is needed to fully appreciate the ingenuity of the engineers who provide bridges in the province.
This photograph is from GR-3293, file AAAAE2160 from container 000705-0013. The file is merely marked 26-2-2 “Crown Mountain suspension footbridge (Pemberton Meadows).” There is no date but I think it was taken around 1925.
If the file only contained the photograph, we might not pay too much attention, but the accompanying note from O.W. Smith provides some interesting information. This is a temporary footbridge created each winter by using the reaction ferry cable. I personally can’t imagine actually walking over this bridge, especially with a bag of groceries in one hand and a small child in the other, but no doubt the residents got a lot of use out of this unique footbridge.
Over the last few years, Makerspaces have become popular ways for people to explore their creative side. A facility provides a space, a variety of materials and the visitor brings their ideas and time to make something. Locally the Victoria Makerspace in Saanich is cool place to learn and share and there are many museums getting on the makerspace bandwagon including The Exploratorium’s Tinkering Studio http://tinkering.exploratorium.edu/ and Children’s Museum of Pittsburg Makeshop https://pittsburghkids.org/exhibits/makeshop .
On November 15, we experimented with the makerspace concept in a workshop called “Creative Collections”. Working with some community members, Ben Fast and Lauren Chancellor, we devised an event that involved using the collection to find inspiration for our creativity.
The workshop began with a trip behind the scenes to look at our handling collections. Participants looked, took notes, snapped photos and even drew sketches.
Then they went through the exhibit arts studio where our professional “makers” spend their days creating and building museum exhibits and interactives.
Back in the “lab” we provided a bevy of supplies – from clay to copper wire and lots in between. Participants made many wonderful things including a camera made from broken records, note cards personalized with handmade linocuts and even a letter about a talking cockroach.
The workshop was satisfying in many ways and I am interested in exploring how it might work in a more ongoing way. At the workshop we had pretty low-tech equipment and I am not sure if that is a bad thing or not. What are your thoughts? Do makerspaces need 3D printers and drill presses or can they work as a simple, collaborative place to come together and make time for expressing your creative side.
Here are two reasons to be careful when storing records in a basement.
These images are from GR-3422, box 1, folder 6. This series is called Hospital programs photographs and consists of over 2000 photographs created by the British Columbia Hospital Programs and its predecessor body the British Columbia Hospital Insurance Service. This file is dated December 1956 and is called BCHIS: flood damage to basement.
We don’t know too much about these pictures; where they were taken, what kinds of health records were affected by the flood, how high the water got or even if any of the records were salvaged…but the photos are a good reminder to think carefully about how we store our valuable records.
A rat in a compost pile is nothing new for Victoria. Sometimes I set a small mine-field of traps in the compost. A rat may jump clear of one trap, but they commonly land on a nearby trap and their fate is sealed. The rats I kill sometimes end up as museum specimens – even common animals should be added to museum collections. If I leave the rat in the compost too long, I find nice clean skeletons. However, on Friday the 7th of November the museum received a specimen which had sat in a mix of well-aged manure and soil, and is far more spectacular than an everyday compost-raiding rat.
Mike deRoos of Cetacea Inc., backed into the RBCM’s loading bay and delivered most of the skeleton of a humpback whale. I wrote a short article about the jaws of this whale months ago, and now we have limbs, ribs, and vertebrae. The skull will arrive in a separate shipment because there is a limit to what you can safely stack in the back of a pickup truck.
It took 5 trips from the loading bay to haul all the bones to the vertebrate prep-lab. Because these bones had been prepared in compost, they smelled sweetly of soil from a pine forest. Seriously – next time you are out in a pine forest, grab a handful of moist soil and smell it. You’d think the skeleton of a recently prepared whale would smell of rancid oils and rotten flesh – but not this Humpback. We could market the bones as “forest scent” potpourri. Call me strange (many have already), but I like the smell of soil.
This whale was young – and only 9 meters. The ends of the bones (the epiphyses) have not fused and so the ends of the radius, ulna, and humerus all are separate.
Each vertebra also has a pair of “cookies” (I think Mike deRoos’ daughter called them pancakes because the disks are so large). The cookies have a specific fit to respective vertebral centra (they grow together so you’d expect an intimate connection) – and so one of the first things I did was to carefully test fit the cookies to the vertebrae. The size and shape of each cookie gives you an idea where it originated along the vertebral column, and from there it is a matter of a few minutes of trial and error to get each cookie to lock into place.
Even though we will not re-assemble this whale into an articulated skeleton, we do want to know the order of each bone in the body, and make sure we have cookies and vertebrae properly matched. Ultimately this skeleton will be stored in our mammal research collection and will be available for researchers to examine.
This whale at 9 meters was a few meters short of the adult size – at birth they are 4 – 4.6 meters according to John Ford’s new book (Marine Mammals of British Columbia). Its unfused epiphyses certainly show that this whale was young, and several ribs had abnormal bone growth. We also have a Killer Whale in the RBCM collection with similar abnormal bone growth. It makes me wonder if the odd growth caused pain and whether it was a contributing factor in this animals’ death.
This sure was a neat way to end a work-week. It is not every day you get to assemble a whale’s skeleton. Now I have to say a HUGE thanks to Kate Kerr and Jana Stefan from our Exhibit Arts Department. When this whale washed up and we were offered the carcass for our collection, Nick Panter had just retired from his position as our mammal preparator. I was on parental leave.
In our place, Kate and Jana were sent to help remove flesh from the carcass – you have to admire them for having the gastro-intestinal fortitude to see such work through to completion. I am betting that Shane Lighter, the museum photographer plied his trade from a respectable distance – upwind. It took hours of de-fleshing, and over 6 months buried in compost, followed by months of drying to get the skeleton to its present state. Kate happened to walk by when I was unloading the skeleton, and commented on how much nicer the whale smelled compared to the last time she had seen it.
Now I am back from parental leave, so I won’t have any excuses the next time a whale washes up. I’d better practice my whale flensing work song. The next marine mammal is already waiting in the freezer – a young Dall’s Porpoise. Once veterinarians do a formal necropsy, I will remove most of the muscle and get it ready for our newly minted mammal preparator. He will have the fun of either putting the bones in the dermestid beetle colony, or perhaps he will boil the bones to remove the last bits of meat. After that, we have a Northern Right Whale Dolphin to prepare.
More information on the Humpback and all other cetaceans in BC can be found in John Ford’s new book on Marine mammals of BC
Our contractor Sam has taken on the tedious task of separating negatives and prints in the Goertz Studio fonds, described as PR-1021.
This accession came to us in 1969 with a sad and interesting story. Helmuth Goertz was a well-known Victoria photographer from 1949 to 1956. In 1956 he and his family left for England to explore new prospects. While crossing to Spain on their yacht, they were caught in a storm and the ship was wrecked. Helmuth, his wife and son were drowned. His daughter survived and returned to Canada.
He had left his Victoria photographs behind with Campbell Studios of Victoria and in 1969, Campbell Studios donated them to the Provincial Archives of British Columbia. They were accessioned as 198403-006.
The majority of the photographs are studio shots of individuals and each file may include several negatives and proofs from a sitting. Goertz kept an order book, assigning a chronological number to each new sitting.
Some of the images show evidence of touch up work and hand colouring like this one of Miss K. Thompson.
There’s also an example of the fun things you could do with a photograph, a jigsaw and a wooden stand; we all enjoyed looking at the little hockey player.
At the end of the project, we plan to freeze the negatives to extend their life, while keeping the prints onsite for access.
In the Public Works annual report of 1924, you can find the following information about work that took place the previous year in district no. 9, 150 Mile House.
On the subject of bridges G.G. Mackay writes “The most important work was the completion of Quesnel Dam Bridge, the total cost of which was as follows: demolishing section of dam, $2,498.28; building bridge $19,598.58; constructing road approaches $6,590.25; total $28,687.11.”
The area once known as Quesnel Dam is now called Likely and it’s been in the news a lot lately because of the Mount Polley tailings pond breach.
Photographs of the work in progress on the bridge are in GR-3293, Public Works engineering photographs, file AAAE2706.
54-1-1.5 Quesnel Dam bridge May 31, 1923
54-1-1.6 Cariboo district Quesnel Dam bridge 5 July 1923
54-1-1.4 Quesnel Dam bridge fill at North approach May 31, 1923
54-1-1.2 Quesnel Dam bridge from South abutment 21 April 1923
54-1-1.7 Cariboo district Quesnel Dam bridge 5 July 1923
This last photograph is a homemade panorama. Three photographs have been cut and taped together to provide a complete side view of the bridge.
Pre-Emption Government Records GR0112
Pre-emption was a method of acquiring provincial Crown land by claiming it for settlement and agricultural purposes. It was also a method of selling Crown land which had not been fully surveyed, designed to quickly provide temporary title or permission to occupy land to incoming settlers, for purposes of building a homestead and commencing agriculture.
The process was formally established under the 1870 Land Ordinance (although the earliest pre-emptions began in 1859) and was terminated by the 1970 Land Act. Under this process, individuals, as well as companies and partnerships, could purchase land, but grants to this land were not issued until specified improvements and residency requirements had been completed, and the land had been fully surveyed.
Pre-emption records are arranged by district and were transferred to BC Archives from the Department of Lands, Forests and Water Resources in 1976.
These record books were at times referred to as “Gum Stub” or “Guard” books. Documents were placed into the book, a gummed strip of brown paper adhered on top, and subsequent layers of documents positioned upon the next until the final document of a Crown Grant was issued.
Information on many pages in these record books are obscured by a gummed strip, the pages can be brittle and difficult to turn. The risk of damage to the fragile documents is high.
To prevent further damage and associated information loss caused by age and client handling, preservation staff have removed the glued brown paper gummed stubs to reveal information previously hidden by these, or covered over when the documents were adhered to one another.
These documents are now available for use by genealogists as well as people researching pre-emption records for land use issues such as First Nations land claims, environmental assessments, historical land use policy and legal disputes.
In 1930-1931 work took place on the Kitsault River in Alice Arm. According to the 1931 report of the Chief Engineer “in the Atlin district, breakwaters were completed to protect the town of Stewart from encroachment by the Bear River and the town of Alice Arm from the outflow of the Kitsault River.”
Here are some more photographs from GR-3293. These ones are from file AAAE4527, in container 000705-0010.
98-44-2.1(9) to 98-44-2.3(11) Engineering dist.#7, 1930-21 report. Protection work, Kitsault River, Alice Arm
Now Alice Arm and the town of Kitsault are considered to be ghost towns with just a few residents left, but in 1931 it was going concern.
Here’s an image clipped from our website showing Alice Arm sometime in the 1930’s.
I once had a Cuban Anole (Anolis equestris) as a pet when I was in high school – I still have his skull. Yea I know, it is creepy to have your pet’s head on a shelf. But we are approaching Halloween and at this time of year, creepy is cool.
I was reminded of my old pet because of an article which recently appeared in the scientific journal Nature (Helmus et al. 2014). In this article, the authors show that island biogeography – where species disperse and diversify based on island size and isolation – has been overturned in the Caribbean by economic processes. In the Caribbean, anoles have dispersed far and wide as contaminants with cargo of one sort or another. Several species have colonised new islands as stow-aways with cargo, or as fugitives from the pet trade. The sharp increase in anole dispersal began around WWII, and increased significantly after the “cold war” thawed.
Cuba stands out (Figure 1) as a large island with diverse habitat that is not geographically isolated, but has not been invaded by hordes of rampaging anoles. The authors of this new paper suggest that the isolation of Cuba is economic, and there are few chances for stow-away lizards to get a toe-hold on that island. However, lizards were able to leave. Cuban Anoles have invaded islands on Great Bahama and Little Bahama banks, several locations on mainland Florida, and as far west as Oahu. The Brown Anole, also from Cuba, has invaded Belize, the Cayman Islands, southern Georgia, Texas, Alabama, Louisiana, California and Hawaii. Obviously these multiple exotic occurrences do not represent repeated independent dispersal events from Cuba, but they almost certainly represent translocation of anoles by commercial activity (the pet trade, gardening industry, or fruit shipments).
Compared to Cuba, our island is quite isolated as far as reptiles are concerned (and a touch cooler for much of the year). The water surrounding Vancouver Island is cold, tides are strong, and there is little chance that a lizard could raft over from the mainland. But like the Caribbean, the probability that exotic lizards move with human help is 1. Natural island biogeography is circumvented when animals are brought here intentionally, and released. Luckily most pet lizards escape or are released one at a time and never find mates. Within the Saanich area though, European Wall Lizards disperse in shipments of hay, in livestock trailers, and possibly also in plant pots (as eggs) or crates of produce. While our exotic lizard first arrived here intentionally, recent dispersal on Vancouver Island is increasing due to commerce. Perhaps the next bale of hay my wife buys for garden mulch, will explode with lizards when the twine is cut.
Who knows, if climate warms significantly, even anoles could colonise our island in the Pacific.
For more reading:
Lever, C. 2003. Naturalized reptiles and amphibians of the world. Oxford University Press, New York. 318p.
Matthew R. Helmus, M.R., D.L. Mahler & J.B. Losos. 2014. Island biogeography of the Anthropocene. Nature 513: 543–546.
I have now been interning in the Objects Conservation Lab at the Royal British Columbia Museum for a little over a month, where I am completing the final requirements for the Fleming College Cultural Heritage Conservation and Management program.
Every day in the lab is a new adventure. Some adventures are slightly less exciting, like vacuuming the litany of artifacts that don’t require a serious treatment but still need a clean-up. Other adventures turn out to be an exciting mystery to test your wits and exercise your fear of heights!
Last Tuesday started like any other. I had a little condition reporting planned, maybe some rehousing of objects in the history collection, no big plans. Then we got the call: An exhibit tech had noticed insects on the sea lions in the BC Seashore diorama. Kjerstin and I travelled upstairs to the galleries to check it out. We picked several dead beetles off of two of the sea lions, and a number of shed larva skins from a Pigeon Guillemot’s butt. On inspection, these were definitely examples of adult carpet beetles, and the shed larva skin of their young. Horrifying!
We decided to launch a vacuum attack, with Exhibit Tech Megan and Kay from the Paper Conservation Lab, and after carefully donning nitrile gloves, dust masks, and lab coats (to protect us against dust, dead insect bits, and the potential of poisonous pesticide residues that sometimes accompany taxidermy specimens) we started to scour that diorama.
We vacuumed every mammal and bird, and a good deal of the rocks and seashore in between. Some were high up on simulated rock cliffs, and I had to perch on a ladder to reach them! Most of the mounts in the exhibit turned out to be fine, and were untouched by insects. We did, however, find a number of adult carpet beetles on the sea lions, all dead. The only larva skins found were those on the Pigeon Guillemot, and although we also found some strange, well desiccated eggs on another bird, on consultation with Claudia the entomologist, it was decided that they were unrelated and probably very old.
Photos taken with Miscope ® Portable Digital Microscope
The mystery here is: Where did the carpet beetles come from? And how did they die? What were those eggs? The eggs are from an insect that would probably not harm the collection, and were most likely laid there a long time ago, perhaps by a fly attracted to the delicious smell of a dead pigeon. Carpet beetles are a more serious problem, and can do a lot of damage if left unchecked. Other dioramas in the same section of the RBCM have had issues with them in the past, and have dealt with them with success. The going hypothesis is that the larva hatched on the pigeon, and had a happy life there until they became adults. They then travelled to the sea lions, where for some reason they died. Because of this, the possibility of pesticide residue on the sea lions is again something to be wary of. Until they can be tested for contaminants, it will be important to wear gloves, a dust mask, and a lab coat when cleaning or examining them.
At the end of the day we could rest assured that the BC Seashore at the RBCM was safe from carpet beetles- at least for now!
Local rock quarries were used for more than just crushed rock for road building. The Public Works annual report for 1937 includes the report from Engineering district no. 7 by J.C. Brady. District no. 7 was Prince Rupert and it included Atlin and Stewart. In 1937 work was done on the Bear River at Stewart to reinforce the old groyne. This was protection project #20.
According to the report “the old groyne extends from the west end of Bear River Bridge to a point 3,360 feet in a southerly direction. The present work included the strengthening of the old groyne where necessary, and its extension in a south-westerly direction for 1,755 feet. A total of 8,580 cubic yards of rock was used. The average width of the wall or groyne is 16 feet at the base tapering to 6 feet at the top. Three hundred feet of ditching and excavation was also done.”
I found an online report from 1993, of work done by a contractor to the Ministry of Environment. The report makes interesting reading but I particularly enjoyed looking at the appendix of photographs starting on page 73. Photo 17 on page 81 shows the groyne and photo 18 may well be some of the ditches mentioned in the 1937 report.
What interested me the most though, was the figure of 8,580 cubic yards of rock used in the 1937 strengthening of the old groyne. Here are some photographs from GR-3293, file AAAE4494, in container 000705-0010.
98-35-1.1 No. 15 Bear River protection project #20, rock quarry October 1937 after wall shot down and prior to breaking up large rocks, Stewart BC
98-35-1.2 No. 16 Bear River protection project #20 rock quarry October 1937 showing height of quarry, Stewart BC
Note the size of the man compared to the rock.
I’m not sure what kind of equipment they used to break up the large rocks as the equipment inventory for that year doesn’t list any rock crushers in the Atlin district.
My partner and I recently celebrated our anniversary with a trip to San Francisco. It happened that our anniversary was on the first Thursday of the month, which is also when the Exploratorium hosts “After Dark” – an adult evening program which features speakers, extra activities in addition to the amazingly hands-on experiences they already offer, cash bar and music. Luckily, my partner is a museum fan too, so the idea of spending our anniversary at a museum event appealed to both of us.
The Exploratorium has been an example of best practice in museums for many years so my expectations were high. I was not disappointed. By attending in the evening, we had full access to every activity without having to negotiate the younger visitors who frequently visit. Being in an all adult environment, we also felt like we had “permission” to play, something that I don’t always feel like I am getting when visiting a museum. Please don’t think that I am an advocate for “child-free museums” – as a provocative post did recently – but I did feel more at ease and willing to try everything I could during the evening program.
What I appreciated most were the number of interactives that were designed to play with another person. Visiting museums is often social, but the interactives are not always designed to be used by more than one person at a time. The Exploratorium made it explicit that you needed to try this activity with someone else and often we both had a different role in the activity. This encouraged us to switch sides and try it again and then discuss what we experienced.
There were also a variety of ways to interact with a theme. Instead of one interactive about magnets there were probably a half dozen. The advantage of this was that I could try the one that appealed to me most or try them all, a great technique to appeal to different styles of learning.
With so much to see and do, we spent four hours at the museum – a new record for me . The experience was living proof to me that interactives can increase enjoyment, learning and social interaction making the museum visit more engaging .
Imagine producing crushed rock for roads and other public works before the machine age…
J.P. Campbell, General Foreman for Islands and Saanich district shows his appreciation for machinery in the 1925 annual report. First he notes that “an air-compressor and rock-crusher were installed at North Saanich and are giving entire satisfaction and producing crushed rock at a low cost.” Near the end of his short report, which covers public works activities in his district, he states “I would like to emphasize the fact that to the modern machinery engaged is due a very large percentage of efficiency obtained.”
And it’s no surprise when you see the size of the rocks they were dealing with.
In GR-3293, file AAAD3058 you can see the following photographs:
1-32-1.1 Quarry East Saanich Road April 1925
1-32-1.2 Rock Quarry East Saanich Road April 1925
I’ve always liked the portrait of Dave Barrett that hangs in the hall of Premiers in the Legislative Assembly buildings in Victoria. When I go over for lunch in the legislative dining room and I pass through the hall, I sometimes stop to admire the portraits of the Premiers of BC. Most of the portraits are quite formal black and white photographs, until you get to Dave Barrett. Suddenly you are confronted with a colour photograph of a smiling Barrett with a halo or sunrise effect behind him. I have wondered about the origins of this photograph and why it is so different from the others.
The other morning I was viewing a CBC video of the opening of the Legislature, 2nd session, 30th parliament in January 1973. Jack Wasserman of the CBC talked about the Barrett portrait and said that the photograph had been taken by staff of Beautiful British Columbia magazine who had rushed over to Barrett’s house after the surprise election of the NDP. Barrett was apparently in his shorts but pulled on a shirt, sports jacket and tie and posed in front of a painting, created by his wife Shirley. In “Barrett, a passionate political life” by Dave Barrett & William Miller published in 1995, Barrett notes that the photograph was taken by Gar Lunney and confirms that it was taken early in the morning after the night of the election, and that he was hung-over and in his underwear.
The photograph on our website, E-03014, is a black and white copy. It was given to the BC Archives around 1974 by a Mr. Protheroe. I don’t know if we have the original colour negative but anyone visiting the Legislative Assembly buildings can see and enjoy the colour portrait hanging in the hall of Premiers.
UPDATE APRIL 2016. I am happy to report that I have located the original colour print, given to the Archives by Mr. E. Protheroe (probably civil servant Ernest Protheroe). Our photographer Shane has made a beautiful copy of it so I have reloaded the colour image in our Atom catalogue, still under photo reference number E-03014.
Sometimes I’m lucky enough to come across bizarre files that provide lots of scope for speculation.
I’ve spent a lot of time with a series of government photos called “Film and photographic branch travel industry and tourism photographs” described as GR-3425. This series, which consists of over 56,000 prints, negatives and slides, was created by Government between 1943 and 1985. Staff photographers were responsible for creating images to meet any kind of government need from travel brochures to annual reports to publicity shots. The photographs were catalogued and used in a variety of ways and eventually ended up as a large photo bank or image library managed by the Government Information Services. When the GIS dissolved in 1988, the photographs were transferred to the BC Archives.
Because we want to preserve the negatives and colour slides, we’ve had to painstakingly remove the negatives from each file, rehouse them into acid free envelopes and record the photograph number on each one. This job has taken four years of staff time as well as using the partial services of interns, co-op students and contract staff. There are multiple “runs” of numbers, each with their own meaning and as always with large groups of records; there are the unclassified miscellaneous photographs that we tend to file at the end of the run.
One of these unclassified miscellaneous files in container 002340-0491 is called only “Mr. Gallardi’s chimp, 3/57”. Mr. Gallardi refers to Dept. of Highways Minister Phil Gaglardi. Inside the envelope are four black and white prints, their accompanying negatives have been carefully rehoused.
All we know is that the setting appears to be Gaglardi’s office in the Legislative buildings and that the photographs were taken in March 1957 by a government photographer. After that we can only speculate….
What was life like in British Columbia during the time of the Great War?
Several collections in the BC Archives are available to tell some of that story.
Let’s start with some reasonably new technology.
You would need to get a license for your car.
And register the license with the BC Motor Vehicle Branch (GR-0665 Vol. 22).
The License was issued to the Vehicle and any change of ownership was tracked through these registers.
Of course, you could then join with like-minded folks and go on car rallies.
Or join a parade in Kamloops.
While there, you could take in the May Day festivities.
From Kamloops you could head over to Nakusp and help Hendrick Aalten clear the right of way for the Canadian Pacific Railway.
You could then try another form of transportation as you climb aboard a speeder on the tracks of the Pacific Great Eastern Railway.
That form of transportation just might bring you to the Victoria terminus of the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway.
While you were in Victoria you could visit Dr.Helmcken at his residence on what are now the grounds of the Royal BC Museum.
The winter of 1916, would not have been a convenient time to visit though.
One of the shop windows is numbered “82”
Across the Harbour a Commission was taking place investigating “all matters affecting the value of lands of the former Songhees Reserve”.
If anyone was injured in clearing that property, An Order In Council signed off by Premier Bowser, was required.
Money also needed to be approved for large infra-structure projects such as sewers.
Or in house improvements.
Elsewhere on the home front, the Women’s Institute movement was opening up throughout BC.
The BC Archives holds several collections of minute books from these organizations from throughout the province
Institute members were active in promoting the creation of libraries.
Or the promotion of urban gardening on city owned property.
Elsewhere, the Girl Guides were busy gathering information on how to receive the Laundress badge.
Meanwhile, business proceeded apace.
While the provincial government ensured that the motion picture industry met the standards of the day.
One of the principles of good conservation is that the work should be reversible. Although there are times when a fabric is so shattered that an adhesive patch is considered, that is a treatment of last resort. Glues tend to change over time becoming discoloured, rigid, and very difficult to remove.
So the work of a textile conservator frequently involves sewing. If a heavy weaving is to be displayed, it needs both an overall support so that it won’t sag under its own weight, and some means of holding it up so it won’t droop and distort. To prevent the yarns of the weaving (or hooked rug or blanket) being split, a large blunt needle is used to stitch between the threads. A hole or damaged area in fragile, brittle silk can be reinforced with a patch placed behind, but only the finest, sharpest needle can pull the thread without causing more damage. Replacing missing stitches in a three dimensional object can mean working in the awkward corners of a structure (like a hat or tent); using a curved needle is sometimes the only way to place the stitches through the original holes.
Pins are a temporary hold. They can keep two fabrics in place until stitching is complete, and they can hold wet fabric in place while it is drying. In both cases, they must be fine enough not to make permanent holes in the fabric. For blocking a washed textile, pins with large smooth heads are easier on the fingers – a lace shawl or crocheted bedspread require a lot of pinning to ensure they dry square.
If you are married to Conservation finding the right tools for the job can be troublesome indeed.
When patching a textile artifact to fill a hole, reinforce a weak area or consolidate unravelling yarns, couching is the technique of choice. We want to hold the patch to the artifact securely but with a minimum number of punctures by the needle. And, reversibility being an important principle of conservation, we want to be able to remove the patch without risk to the artifact.
Couching holds the two fabrics together without obscuring the artifact, or putting much strain on the aged threads; darning or “invisible mending” (darning with threads unraveled from the damaged cloth) are far too invasive. With the patching fabric behind, a long thread is laid on the face of the artifact perpendicular to the damage, but aligned with either the warp or weft threads. Then tiny stitches are made over the laid thread to hold it in place. Should the repair be removed in the future (because the patch has faded and no longer matches the artifact or because the patch is obscuring some information on the back of the textile or a hole is now believed to be more interesting than the appearance of completeness) the stitches holding the laid thread can be snipped at the back, the scissors only approaching the patch, not the artifact, and the laid thread lifted off the front.
A dress from 1855-60 is being prepared for inclusion in the Gold Rush exhibit. This was a period in women’s fashions when skirts were extremely full with yards of fabric displayed over cage crinolines. This dress was worn as a costume for many, many years and the brilliantly coloured plaid silk is in very poor condition. There are many miles of couching thread to be laid before the dress will be ready for exhibit – if it wasn’t so exciting, it would be enough to turn a conservator into a vegetable.
We recently had need to move a locked file cabinet to make desk space for volunteers – the keys to the cabinet were missing. A short while later – and some lock-picking – revealed folders of exquisite fish art. The art had been gathered together 6-7 years ago and placed in the file cabinet for safe-keeping. Perhaps we should have disabled the lock when we originally stashed the art in the cabinet – hindsight is 20-20. Now the art is stored in my lab in a filing cabinet (with a deactivated lock).
Below is a sample of some of the work with each artist’s name underneath. The art is protected by plastic – so some photos will show reflections. These photos were shot quickly in my lab for this blog article – and certainly not to the usual standards of Shane Lighter, our Digital Imaging Technician/ photographer.
Here are some dace – used in manuscripts to highlight the presence and range of Rhinichthys in the Columbia River basin.
The work was done using a clay coated surface with carbon dust brushed on. Light coloured highlights appear to have been created by scratching carbon dust away.
Some of this art has been used in publications by Alex Peden (my predecessor here at the RBCM), but Catherine Mecklenburg also used some of the art in her book:
Mecklenburg, C.W., T.A. Mecklenburg, & L.K. Thorsteinson. 2002. Fishes of Alaska. American Fisheries Society, Bethesda, 1037 p.
I can only assume these drawings were stock-piled in preparation for a book on Marine Fishes of BC, but for now, this book is way off in the future. For now we are publishing records of fishes from a few families at a time to get our marine records updated. There are at least 44 species with significant range records or representing first records for BC. Any book on Marine Fishes of BC would be hopelessly premature until we get our series of peer-reviewed papers to print.
I was reading the Dept. of Public Works annual report for 1929 (an enjoyable Friday afternoon occupation) and saw that G.T. Mitchell, General Foreman, Islands District reported the following:
“In December  the district office was removed from Thoburn to Sidney, where a four-roomed modern office building was erected on Government land at the junction of Second Street and Bazan Avenue.”
Where was Thoburn? I couldn’t find an area or a road of that name in Google maps so I searched the BC Geographic place names database and found the entry for the rescinded name “Thoburn”. It referred to a post office site in Esquimalt. Could this be where the Public Works Islands district office was located before December 1929?
I also checked our old Provincial Archives of British Columbia map collection BC place names file and found the following information under the name Thoburn: P.O. on SE corner of Esquimalt & Head Streets, Esquimalt.
I looked at a fire insurance plan for Esquimalt and various city and telephone directories but none of them led me to a Public Works district office in that area.
I was more successful with Sidney. Although current maps don’t list a Bazan Avenue within the town itself, I consulted a blueprint plan of Sidney from the Archives map collection and found that what is now called Bevan Avenue was once called Bazan Avenue and it does cross Second Street. The plan I looked at, CM/C320, is called “Map of Sidney, BC, drawn & compiled from official plans and sources by S.C. Weston, Victoria BC.” It is undated but we have other plans drawn by Weston in the teens and twenties.
At any rate, in July of that same year, 1929, the Public Works Dept. spent $313.81 on the paving and maintenance of Beacon Avenue. Here are some photographs from GR-3293, file AAAD2352:
Photo 1-13-4.4 showing wharf and road to ferry at right
Photo 1-13-4.3 showing widening of paving and new concrete curbing
I like to think of the Public Works staff eating doughnuts at the Sidney Bakery or enjoying a bicycle ride on the newly paved street.
Last May it was time to calibrate the Museum’s electronic environmental data loggers, little boxes attached to walls of collections storage and exhibit areas that record temperature and relative humidity. In the pictures below, you can see the myriad of cables, electrical cords and equipment assembled for the operation. It looks like mayhem, but in fact, it was all under control. In the background, you see a plastic humidity tent, which was used to create an environment separate from that in the conservation lab. Humidity was created by placing hot water in a shallow pan. This is all that’s needed in a closed environment to create humid conditions (remember that the next time you leave standing water around your house). The data logger probes were placed into the humidity tent and the readings recorded by the loggers, which were plugged into the laptop computer in the foreground. Each logger requires a power source as well as a network cable, hence the mess of interwoven cords. I’m sure our textile conservators would have preferred that we neatly plait them or otherwise create a pleasing pattern.
In the end, the loggers were all adjusted to read the same temperature and RH as the one created in the humidity tent, thereby calibrating them to the same standard. This is so very important, as we use these loggers to monitor the environments in our storage and exhibit areas, to promote preservation of the collections. They even send us email alarms if things go awry. If the temperature in a storage area gets too high, chemical reactions speed up that can cause damage, such as hardening of rubber and leather artifacts. If the relative humidity in an exhibit area gets too high, mold may disfigure collections or cause metals to corrode. Low RH causes glues to fail and mounted animal specimens to split. It’s the job of the conservators to ensure the best preservation environments for our world class collections.
Have you lost that glovin’ feelin’? Or more to the point, do you lose some tactile sensitivity or manual dexterity when you use gloves? Many archivists and archival researchers report this problem when they use gloves. That’s why we don’t always require that gloves are worn when handling historic records in the Archives Reference Room. It has been shown that more damage can be done when researchers try to turn pages with gloved fingers than if they simply use clean, bare hands.
Of course there are some exceptions, such as when handling photographs, which can be irreparably damaged by bare hands. Some objects in the Museum’s collections must also be handled with gloves all of the time. This includes anything made of metal, which can corrode from the acidic oils in our hands and natural history specimens that may once have been treated with nasty pesticides and so now present a health risk. Even in the Royal BC Museum, though, there are some objects that should not be handled with gloves. This includes very slippery surfaces, such as glass and glazed ceramics and fragile basketry, with small brittle fibres that can catch on gloves. In these cases cotton gloves are just too risky.
Of course, nitrile gloves are acceptable, but some people find them to be uncomfortable. Occasionally, museum conservators have been known to use mittens, in this case to prepare wheat starch paste for mending documents.
Did you know that museum workers now tend to use nitrile gloves instead of latex when they need to keep a good barrier between their hands and an object? This is because of the very common latex allergies people have. Even if you don’t currently have a latex allergy, you can develop one from continual exposure to latex.
So if you’re working in a museum or archives and you’re wondering “when will I be gloved?” just assume that gloves are worn whenever museum or archival collections are handled, unless you are advised otherwise.
After several months of hot sunny weather, we finally had some rain in Victoria this week. I started thinking about floods and the kinds of situations that would precipitate one. While it’s pretty unusual for Victoria to have such long hot spells, sudden heavy rain on dry ground can cause flooding. It’s more usual for us to have the kind of flooding that comes from long term steady rain and melting snow, the kind that raises the levels of rivers and other watercourses. When combined with poor or blocked drains and frozen ground, this kind of flooding can seriously damage roads and bridges.
According to the 1935 annual report of the Dept. of Public Works, the winter of 1934-1935 was an unusually cold one on Southern Vancouver Island, with heavy snow throughout December and January. In mid-January, the temperature soared and the snow changed to heavy rain. The result was a flood at Jordan River which resulted in the loss of the bridge. This photo is from a series of engineering photographs created by the Dept. of Public Works; GR-3293, file AAAD3731, number 2-1-2.
Another rain storm near the end of February caused serious road flooding near Duncan. These photos are from GR-3293, file AAAD3288.
The top one is numbered 1-40-1.3 and on the back of the print it says “Storm Feb 26-27, look south (towards Victoria) from point ½ m north of tennis courts”
The bottom one is numbered 1-40-1.4 and on the back it says “At tennis court corner looking north, max depth of water on road was 3’! All other roads giving access to Duncan from S. were under water to some extent”
Week #16- Ann ten Cate- Archivist
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Week #17- Claire Gilbert- Archivist
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Week #22- Claudia Copley, Collection Manager of Entomology
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Week #23- Erica Wheeler, Collection Manager of Botany
Week #28- Professor Jack Lohman, CEO
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